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Sunday, January 23, 2005
Parents petition Israeli High Court over daughter killed by Israeli army
Report, PCATI, 23 January 2005
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| Relatives of 13 year-old Palestinian girl Iman Al Hams, mourn over her body at the family house during her funeral in Rafah refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Tuseday, Oct 5. 2004. The girl was shot and killed by Israeli soldiers, according to local and army sources, when she wandered from her normal path to school. (AP Photo/Khalil Hamra) | The parents of Iman Al-Hams and the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI) petition the High Court of Justice demanding that the IDF investigate the giving of illegal open fire orders to the soldiers at the “Girit” military post. In a petition filed to the High Court of Justice today, January 23, the petitioners maintain that there is evidence that the soldiers stationed at the “Girit” military outpost were given blatantly illegal orders stating that they must shoot to kill anyone, including civilians who do not endanger anyone’s life, without even resorting to the procedure regulating the arrest of suspects.
The petitioners also demand that the supervision of the investigation be taken out of the hands of the Military Attorney’s office because of its involvement in the drafting of the open fire regulations.
The girl Iman Al-Hams, 13 years old, was killed by IDF fire on October 5, 2004, while on her way to school. After she was hit, the battalion commander, Captain “R” “confirmed” the killing. The internal military investigation conducted by the division commander exonerated the soldiers stationed at the outpost from all blame. However, evidence given by some soldiers that reached the press suggested that illegal actions took place during the above incident.
The Military Investigative Police investigation of the event raised a suspicion that the battalion commander confirmed the killing of the girl. He was charged with the “illegal use of arms”. No soldier was charged with the girl’s death.
Imam Al Hams’ family and the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI), represented by attorneys Lea Tsemel and Michael Sfard, demanded to view the classified investigation material and, after 6 weeks, Attorney Sfard was allowed to see some of it. In the petition it is stated:
“After studying the material, Attorney Sfard discerned that central, significant points were missing from the Military Investigative Police inquiry. This lead to the consolidation of our position, the result of which is this petition: the investigation of the severe incident of the killing of the girl Imam Al-Hams focused only only on finding compatibility between the lethal bullet and the soldier who fired it, and the clarification of the circumstances of the killing confirmation.
The Military Investigative Police and the Military Attorney’s Office did not examine the issue of the commanders’ responsibility for the event, nor the question of how it came about that tens of elite IDF fighters opened fire on a “figure“ who did not endanger anyone’s life (if we accept their claim that they did not distinguish that it was a 13 year old girl) and, in addition, did not first carry out the procedure for the arrest of suspects, or give the “figure” a chance to surrender or prove that she has no intention of harming anyone”.
In addition, it is claimed in the petition that the investigation material contains evidence that illegal orders were allegedly given resulting in the girl’s death. The giving and the execution of the order, according to the petition, constitute a war crime and are grounds for criminal liability for the girl’s death.
The petition also includes the demand that the responsibility for the investigation be taken out of the hands of the Military Attorney’s Office because of its involvement in the drafting of open fire regulations and transferred to the civil prosecution.
Posted at 07:39 pm by R7fel
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| A man of principle
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| Delgado makes headlines speaking his mind
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By SAM BORDEN
DAILY NEWS SPORTS WRITER
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| Free agent Carlos Delgado gets taste of New York last year after refusing to stand with teammates during playing of 'God Bless America.' |
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Bland, limp, mindless quotes are the general rule among professional athletes these days, diplomacy valued far above candor when it comes to talking about anything deeper then the dip of a slider or the pop of a fastball.
But Carlos Delgado is different. A 32-year-old Puerto Rican who has spent the past 12 seasons playing for a Canadian baseball team, Delgado fiercely embraces his American right to pretty much say whatever the heck he wants, whenever the heck he wants to.
Don't be fooled: He isn't a loudmouth. To the contrary, those who know him well bristle at the idea he might be seen as boorish and use words like "soft-spoken" and "respectful" and "polite" to describe him.
Still, those who don't know him well might think otherwise. In particular, the thousands of fans at Yankee Stadium last summer who booed him for refusing to stand with his teammates during the singing of "God Bless America" in protest of the war in Iraq might see him as a pot-stirrer who may soon have an even bigger forum to air his views if he signs a free agent contract with the Mets.
"To be honest, that's just crazy," says Blue Jays GM J.P. Ricciardi, actually breaking into laughter at the thought. "Carlos is not like that. He's a smart guy, there's no doubt about it, and he's a worldly guy. You won't see him just reading the funny pages in the paper. But he's not a preacher, not a guy who's going to be on the front and back pages of tabloids for the wrong reasons. That's not his style."
Indeed, Delgado carried out much of his protest in silence last season. No one even noticed his retreat to the clubhouse during the song until he commented on it midway through the year.
At that point, however, it was hard to ignore.
"I think it's the stupidest war ever," he told the Toronto Star in July. "Who are you fighting against? You're just getting ambushed now. We have more people dead now, after the war, than during the war. You've been looking for weapons of mass destruction. Where are they at? You've been looking for over a year. Can't find them. I don't support that. I don't support what they do. I think it's just stupid."
That's a label he would also use to describe the United States' use of Vieques, a tiny island off the mainland of Puerto Rico, as a location for testing its Navy's military weapons. Not surprisingly, Delgado was the first high-profile athlete to speak out against America's six-decade presence in Vieques, echoing the complaints of many of the island's residents who claimed that uranium-depleted shells used in the testing were causing increased cancer rates and other illnesses.
He became involved in the Vieques protests after his father, Carlos Sr., introduced him to Ismael Guadalupe, a friend of the elder Delgado's from the Socialist Party in Puerto Rico. Guadalupe was a long-time leader of the protest movement, according to the Star, who had been imprisoned for six months in 1979 after trespassing on the Navy base.
"He wanted to help out with more than just the situation with the Navy," Guadalupe told the Star last summer. "He wanted to help the people there. He wanted to help the children."
Delgado certainly isn't the only athlete to make a political statement on the field or court, but the motivation isn't always the same. Former Nuggets guard Mahmoud Abdul-Rauf's 1996 protest against the playing of the national anthem was based on his Muslim beliefs and, after sitting during the playing of the song - in violation of NBA rules which state all players must stand on the foul line - Abdul-Rauf was suspended without pay for two days before saying he would stand during the anthem but pray silently.
Toni Smith, a basketball player for Manhattanville College, turned her back on the American Flag during the anthem in 2002-03 season as an anti-war statement and says she felt a sense of duty not to lie to herself about her opinion by simply standing still during the anthem. In a phone interview last week, she said she can understand what may have motivated Delgado to take his stand.
"Celebrities so often get praised for speaking out, particularly when they express a majority view," Smith says. "But it should also work the other way. We should embrace those people who use their fame to also voice a minority one. My decision was a spontaneous one. It didn't affect my teammates in any way at all and that was important to me because it wasn't designed to be anything more than a personal statement. I didn't want to do anything that would hurt the team."
Delgado, apparently, agrees. His agent, David Sloane, has said several times this winter that if Delgado's new club has a rule on players standing for "God Bless America" then Delgado will follow it.
The Mets do not have such a policy and several players frequently missed the playing of the song last season because they ran into the clubhouse for one reason or another - like changing into a fresh jersey. Major League Baseball does not have any firm rules regarding players' presence for "God Bless America" and a spokesman for the league said there weren't any firm rules requiring each player to stand for the pregame anthem, either.
Ricciardi said Delgado did not approach him before beginning his protest and pointed out that, while he personally disagrees with Delgado's opinion, the club had no rules about standing for the song and thus, had no problem with Delgado's choice.
"Look, he doesn't like wearing a hat much either during batting practice and infield," Ricciardi says, "but we have a rule about that: You've got to wear a hat. So what does Carlos do? He wears the hat. He's never been about doing anything that would disrupt the team."
The Mets are surely much more interested in Delgado's career .282 batting average or the fact that he hasn't hit less than 30 home runs since 1996. Landing Delgado would give GM Omar Minaya a trio of Hispanic stars - along with recently signed Carlos Beltran and Pedro Martinez -to lead the Mets back to respectability and, in their minds, competitiveness with the Yankees for the city's limelight.
"He is a unique player," says Al Leiter, who played with Delgado in 1995-96 and was part of the Marlins' contingent that tried to woo him last week. "He has all the tools and is a presence in the lineup every day."
Earlier this winter, Delgado visited Sloane and spent a few nights at his Florida home. Delgado wanted to take a cerebral approach to his free agency, so the two men examined each of the 29 other clubs besides Toronto and created a list of places Delgado would be interested in going.
"He wants to make a thorough, well-thought-out decision," Sloane says. "That's what you'd expect from Carlos."
But wherever he ends up, his protest will always be remembered. "One thing about New York is that they are passionate," Delgado said after being booed in the Bronx. "You know what they like and don't like."
At this point, it's safe to say most Mets fans like him at first base next season, whether he's sitting, standing or just plain-old stretching once the seventh inning ends.
Originally published on January 23, 2005 |
Posted at 06:40 pm by R7fel
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Saturday, January 22, 2005
Take This War and Shove It!
Why I'll Refuse to Fight in This Immoral War
By George Solomou
The Independent U.K.
Friday 21 January 2005
Every individual soldier has the moral right to decide whether he will put his life on the line.
Earlier this week, I came out publicly against the war in Iraq. I'm not the only member of the Labour Party to be opposed to our military participation in this American-led adventure, nor am I the only soldier. In fact, there growing vocal minority within the Territorial Army that is against the war. Nonetheless I am the first one to make it clear, in public, that if called to serve in Iraq, I will refuse.
This has not been a decision arrived at impulsively. I have never believed in the rightness of this war; in fact I was on the big anti-war March in February 2003. Even then - before the absence of the weapons of mass destruction that Prime Minister Blair and President Bush cited as the principal reason to rush to war was admitted by all - I was astounded that they could take us to war when it was clear the majority of the population was opposed. Members of the Labour Party at the time were talking about practicing an "ethical foreign policy", and yet there was nothing ethical about the way this was being planned and sold to the public.
It was not as though there was no alternative at the time. Hans Blix, the chief UN weapons inspector, and UN Secretary General Kofi Annan had both pressed for more time before the final decisions were taken. And much of the rest of the world, both governments and their peoples, were saying, "Let's get this investigation sorted before we start blowing up human beings."
I could have quietly left the Army then, without fuss; you can resign from the Territorial Army if you've not actually been called up to serve in action. But from boyhood I had wanted to be a soldier; in fact, when I was 22 I had taken advantage of my dual Cypriot-British citizenship, and done national service for the Greek army in Cyprus. Later I had joined the TA, as a medic, and I was proud to be a part of that institution, and bound to my friends and comrades there, some of whom agreed with me about the futility, immorality and illegality of the war. None of us had been called up yet, so we succumbed to the all too human temptation to put off the evil day until it was upon us. In the end, quite a few did resign, and others who were called up deliberately failed their medical examinations.
But although I stayed on a while longer, in the last year, when two of my comrades returned wounded, I began thinking seriously about what I could do to help end this continuing war. I began to do a lot of research, learning everything I could about the illegality and immorality of our occupation of Iraq. And I started to go on the anti-war demos that continue around the country. I listened to peace campaigners and soldiers who had been out there, and MPs like George Galloway. I would recommend similar research to any soldier who is having doubts about the war.
Finally, one day about a month ago, I stood up at a demo in my local London borough of Hackney and just said "I want to get out of this, but what can I do?" It became clear that working with Military Families Against the War, I could make public my despair, my anger and my intention to refuse any call-up to serve in Iraq.
I wanted to leave the TA in the public way I have because, although so many solders are against this war, they don't have a rallying point. There has to be someone who is the first to go. After that, there will be another and another and another. They're out there, the soldiers who want to make plain their refusal to part of this illegal war - I know, I've talked to them.
Many people, even those who agree with my views on the war, will say that it is not the place of soldiers to decide which wars they will fight; that decision must be taken by their senior officers, and ultimately by the government of the day. But you should only obey orders that are morally right. The WMD claims were untrue, and so many other lies were told in the pursuit of this war. Every individual soldier also has the moral right to decide whether he will put his life on the line. After all, it is his flesh and blood that gets wounded; that gives him the right to an opinion.
And in the modern army, not every opinion will be the same. No longer do soldiers come from a uniform cultural background. The Army wants lots of ethnic groups, and now that they've got them, they have to accept that there will be different points of view. Think of the position of Muslims in the Army. My own background as Greek Cypriot has made me aware of some distasteful things that the British military did in Cyprus in the Fifties; so I too have a different perspective. If the Government wants their soldiers to fight, they will have to be clear and honest about what they are asking them to do.
I'm proud to be part of the military family that is against the war. There will be more soldiers coming out soon, and I'll be proud to stand next to them on 19 March at the anti-war demo in London. We can help stop this illegal and immoral war, and that is our duty now.
If any soldier would like to contact George Solomou or Military Families Against the War, they can do so at the Military Families Against the War Website.
Posted at 11:01 pm by R7fel
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GOD Always Has the Answer

By: Bill McKibben
Have you ever been in a hopeless situation? Perhaps it seemed that nothing good could come out of what was happening. If you have been there, you can empathize with those who experience the helpless feeling that comes at such a time.
Acts 27:18-20 is part of an account written by Luke about a sea journey that came to a point where the situation looked hopeless. He wrote, “And we being exceedingly tossed with a tempest, the next day they lightened the ship; And the third day we cast out with our own hands the tackling of the ship. And when neither sun nor stars in many days appeared, and no small tempest lay on us, all hope that we should be saved was then taken away.” It seemed things could not possibly get any worse.
Paul the Apostle had appealed his case to Caesar and was being taken to Rome. After the ship set sail, there were problems—the weather turned against them. The ship floundered in the tempest, and all hope of rescue or of safely making it to land was gone. There was nothing left to do but wait for the end. However, though the men on board that ship were certainly helpless in the face of such a storm, they were not hopeless. You see, God was aware of their situation. With God, we are never hopeless.
A number of accounts in the Word of God illustrate this. In Mark 5, we read of the man who lived among the tombs of Gadera. A demonic spirit possessed him, and that spirit had such power that when the people tried to bind him with chains, he broke the fetters. No doubt it seemed like a hopeless situation to the people in the town of Gadera—but it was not. One day Jesus made His way into the region, and when He came upon this poor, tormented man, He told the evil spirit, “Come out of him.” Just a short time later, the people of Gadera came and found that man clothed and in his right mind, and seated at the feet of Jesus. There are no hopeless situations with God!
In 2 Chronicles we read of a king named Jehoshaphat. He was confronted by a military situation that appeared to be desperate. His enemies, the Moabites and the Ammonites, had decided to come down and destroy his land, and destruction was imminent. He looked at all the resources at his disposal, and realized that they were insufficient—they were going to lose the battle. Jehoshaphat took the right steps. He went to God and told him the situation, saying, “Neither know we what to do . . . our eyes are upon thee.” In what seemed like a hopeless situation, he turned to God for hope, who intervened on his behalf. God always has the answer, even when it seems there is none! We serve a God in whom all hope dwells.
I recently heard a story about a man, in a country overseas, who had spent his life building a home, a little business, and an orphanage next to the business. He was trying to do his best to win people in his area to Christ. His country was engaged in a civil war, and one day soldiers came through and completely destroyed the orphanage, his business, and his home. As he sat there and watched the smoke going up from his life’s work, someone came to him and said, “It’s hopeless; it is all gone.” The man looked up and said, “But we still have Christ!” What inspiring words! When all is gone, if we have Christ, we are not hopeless.
When Luke penned the words about his sea voyage with the Apostle Paul, he was looking back at quite a momentous journey. They were in a tempest like none they had ever seen before. They had given up every hope of being saved. An interesting thing happened about that time, though. The Apostle Paul appeared on deck. He said to the people on the ship, “And now I exhort you to be of good cheer.”
Speculate for a moment how those people might have reacted to Paul’s words. Don’t you love it when people come to you and say, “Cheer up!” when you are going through a trial? Oh, we may smile and say, “Thank you,” but what we would like to say to them is, “You don’t have a clue as to what is happening. You don’t know the pain I’m going through. You don’t know how hard it is on my job, in my family, with my children. You don’t understand!”
But maybe they do understand! Maybe they know the God who brings hope. Maybe they know that God can take a seemingly impossible situation and turn it around through His power. Paul told the people that day, “Be of good cheer: for there shall be no loss of any man’s life among you, but of the ship. For there stood by me this night the angel of God, whose I am, and whom I serve, Saying, Fear not, Paul; . . . lo, God hath given thee all them that sail with thee. Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer: for I believe God.” Situations are not hopeless if we believe God!
Several years ago, I was pastoring a small church in central California. My wife and I had two children, and life was going smoothly. Then we found that we had another child on the way, and that was a blessing. Early one Thanksgiving morning, we took a trip to the hospital and a little girl was born. Even when it is your second or third child, birth is such a miracle. We were in awe and so happy as we prepared to take our new little daughter home.
As we were packing to leave the hospital, the doctor came in and said, “I would like to take an X-ray of your baby. I heard something funny with her heart.” They did the X-ray and the doctor said, “There is nothing to worry about.” I was relieved, but then he added, “However, you should bring her in tomorrow.” The next day, we did so. He listened to her heart and said, “There is nothing to worry about, but I would like for you to make an appointment with a specialist at the children’s hospital about an hour from here.”
We went home and made the appointment, and about one week later we made the trek to the city of Fresno, to the office of a pediatric cardiologist. He listened to her heart, and finally said, “I don’t think there is anything to worry about, but I would like to schedule her for a test at the hospital.” I was getting tired of hearing that there was nothing to worry about but that more tests were needed.
I still remember driving down Highway 384, looking at the fruit trees on both sides. The trees had no leaves, and that is how I felt—a sort of dead feeling. Our baby was in a car seat in the back, and my wife was sitting next to me. I looked over at her and saw the tears running down her face. Finally she took my hand and said, “What are we going to do?” I did not feel very brave, and my words seemed a bit hollow, but I said to her, “I guess we will do what we have always done—we will just trust God.” I did not have a lot of faith that day, but I did not know what else to do. I felt so helpless.
We went home and laid our little girl in her cradle. We knelt down next to it and prayed, “God, we gave her to You before she was born, and she is still Yours. You take care of her.” On the scheduled day, we went to the hospital, and there the doctor told us that our daughter had something wrong with a heart valve. He drew pictures and said, “I can hear a noise and see what is happening. There is no back pressure. This situation always creates certain problems, but it is not creating these problems this time. We will need to watch it.” Well, Someone was watching the situation long before the doctor began watching it. We now have a healthy daughter who can keep up with anyone. She may need testing later, but we are not without hope.
Whatever your situation, God has the answer. If you are living without Christ in your heart, you might think your life is a mess and that it can never be unraveled. You might think the devastation in your situation is unfixable. However, though you might be helpless, you are not hopeless. Jesus is here to make a difference in your life like He did for the man in the tombs of Gadera, for King Jehoshaphat, and for my family.
Perhaps you serve the Lord and have not told anyone that the storms have been raging in your life, that the tackling has been thrown overboard, and that you have not seen the stars for many days. Be of good cheer. The God you serve is on the scene of your life today! God can make a way when it seems there is none. Toss your helplessness at His feet, and hope in Him. God will make a way for you!
And remember, whatever your state is today, you can have a hope of eternal life—a hope that someday all tears will be gone, all suffering will be over, and you will spend eternity with God. What a glorious hope is ours!
Bill McKibben is the pastor of the Apostolic Faith Church in Richmond, California.
Posted at 08:59 am by R7fel
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This Is An Unhappy Life. I Don't Want To Do This!
Back to the Brothel

Naka Nathaniel/NYTimes.com Srey Mom.
| By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
Published: January 22, 2005
oipet, Cambodia — After I purchased Srey Mom from her brothel for $203 a year ago and brought her back to her village, the joy was overwhelming. Her parents and siblings had assumed she was dead, and they shrieked and hugged and cried.
I had doubts about the other sex slave I had purchased, Srey Neth, whom I wrote about on Wednesday - and who in fact is thriving and is now preparing to become a hairdresser. But I was pretty sure that Srey Mom would make it.
So I'm devastated to say that a year later, I found Srey Mom back here in the wild town of Poipet, in her old brothel. She's devastated, too - when she spotted me, she ran away to her room in the back of the brothel until she could compose herself.
"I never lie to people, but I lied to you," she said forlornly. "I said I would not come back, and I did. I didn't want to return, but I did."
Yet, sadly, such an experience is common. Aid groups find it unnerving that they liberate teenagers from the bleak back rooms of a brothel, take them to a nice shelter - and then at night the kids sometimes climb over the walls and run back to the brothel.
It would be a tidier world if slaves always sought freedom. But prostitutes often are shattered and stigmatized, and sometimes they feel that the only place they can hold their head high is in the brothel.
Srey Mom, too, has zero self-esteem, but in her case no one in her village knew her background, and she was clear of debts. The central problem, as best I can piece together the situation, is that she was addicted to methamphetamines, and that craving destroyed her will power, sending her fleeing back to the brothel so that she could get her drugs.
Over the last year, an aid group looking after Srey Mom, American Assistance for Cambodia, gave her several more chances, once bringing her to Phnom Penh to enroll in school to become a hair dresser. But each time, Srey Mom fled back to drugs and the brothel.
"Ninety-five percent of the girls take drugs," Srey Mom told me. Some girls inject morphine, but brothel owners worry that needle holes make girls look unsightly, so methamphetamine pills are most common.
Some brothel owners welcome addiction, because it makes the girls dependent upon them. But Srey Mom said that is not true of her brothel owner, Heok Tem, whom she calls "Mother."
"Mother doesn't want us to use drugs," Srey Mom said. She has an eerily close relationship with Mrs. Heok Tem, and these days that emotional bond keeps her in the brothel as much as do her debts. Mrs. Heok Tem seems to feel genuine affection for Srey Mom and truly helped in the effort to get Srey Mom to start a new life, but she also cheats Srey Mom ruthlessly - I examined the brothel's account books - and rakes in cash by pimping the girl, which exposes her to AIDS.
"It's wrong," Mrs. Heok Tem admitted. But for now, she says, she needs the money.
Srey Mom still says her dream is to start life over in her village. "I want to go away," she said. "I don't want to stay here long. I'm not happy here. ... I will just look after my younger sisters. I'm already bad, and I don't want them to become bad like me."
I don't believe it will ever happen. I hate to write anyone off, but I'm afraid that Srey Mom will remain in the brothel until she is dying of AIDS (36 percent of girls in local brothels have H.I.V., and eventually it catches up with almost all of them). I finally dared tell her my fear. I described some young women I had just seen, gaunt and groaning, dying of AIDS in Poipet, and I told her I feared she would end up the same way.
"I'm afraid of that, too," she replied, her voice breaking. "This is an unhappy life. I don't want to do this."
Maybe that's what I find saddest about Srey Mom: She is a wonderful, good-hearted girl who gives money to beggars, who offers Buddhist prayers for redemption - but who is already so broken that she seems unable to escape a world that she hates and knows is killing her.
President Bush declared in his inaugural address this week that "no one deserves to be a slave" and that advancing freedom is "the calling of our time." I can't think of a better place to start than the hundreds of thousands of girls trafficked each year, for this 21st-century version of slavery has not only grown in recent years but is also especially diabolical - it poisons its victims, like Srey Mom, so that eventually chains are often redundant.
Posted at 08:42 am by R7fel
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Friday, January 21, 2005
Two Misplaced Souls Decide They Might as Well Live

Strand Releasing Birol Unel and his bride, Sibel Kekilli, in "Head-On," a German film set among immigrants in the gritty reaches of working-class Hamburg.
| By MANOHLA DARGIS
Published: January 21, 2005
ove doesn't just hurt in the jagged German romance "Head-On"; it cuts and bleeds and even kills. A story about a lonely man and a still-lonelier woman fighting against their worlds and what often seems like their own best interests, the film has caused a stir in Germany for the murky, troubling light it sheds on the lives of the country's Turkish immigrants. Its popularity made it a fleeting social phenomenon and a minor cultural footnote. But it doesn't explain why this film about two strangers with suicidal tendencies and a deep commitment to self-aggrandizing drama is the first very good movie of this very young year.
One of the truisms about romances, even those shaded pitch black and set to banging rock music, is that you have to fall in love with the characters when they're falling for each other. It takes a long time for Cahit (Birol Unel) and Sibel (Sibel Kekilli) to get inside each other's heads, much less anywhere else.
The couple meet in a nasty, classically punk fashion at a mental institution, where they have both landed after trying to commit suicide. Cahit drove a car into a brick wall; Sibel slit her wrists, and probably not for the first time. He is dying for a drink and likely dying from drink. Meanwhile, what Sibel needs more than anything else, more than a nip or a prescription for Zoloft, is a Turkish husband.
The only daughter in a strict German-Turkish family, Sibel has a broken nose and scarred arms, and is living a life of everyday brutality.
The character was born in 1980's Hamburg, but for Fatih Akin, who both wrote and directed "Head-On," she might as well be living in another century or any cloistered society where women are kept captive by their fathers and brothers and called whores for wearing short skirts. Sibel's father happens to be a conservative Muslim. Yet for Mr. Akin, the son of Turkish guest workers who immigrated to Germany and ended up in Hamburg, where he was born, religion is not specifically, or at least exclusively, the problem. The problem is how faith becomes dogma, a prison sentence and worse.
For Sibel, the solution to that problem is a husband who can pass muster with her father, which is how she and Cahit end up under the same roof. Movingly played by both Mr. Unel and Ms. Kekilli, the couple enter the arrangement with no illusions, their relationship developing in reverse of the typical romance: they start off steeped in cynicism and doubt, and in separate beds. Cahit, who's on a long downward spiral, betrays little interest in Sibel and the world from which she comes, and it soon becomes clear why. During the couple's wincingly comic courtship, when Cahit is playing nice and sober opposite Sibel's sanctimonious father, her thuggish brother sneers about the suitor's fumbling Turkish, asking what he did with it. Cahit answers coolly, "I threw it away."
In time, Mr. Akin reveals why Cahit lets this lost lamb into his fold, though he doesn't really try to explain the character's rationale or go spelunking in the darker recesses of his mind. People are strange and filled with contradictions, and sometimes that's all you need to know.
Cahit is as haunted by the past as Sibel is plagued by the present. Both are slaves to loves: he of heartbreak, she of her father and his God. For his troubles, Cahit wears the mantle of tragic hero, a role the charismatic Mr. Unel embraces with exuberant, tangible heat. Sibel, meanwhile, embodies the film's divided conscience. Split between two cultures, yearning for life and for death, the character is struggling to declare not just her independence, but her very being.
"Head-On" may offend those who endorse cultural relativism, no matter how noxious its consequences, or forget that freedom from religion is as essential as freedom of religion. Mr. Akin's commitment to his characters is uncompromising, as is his humanity, which makes a mockery of the kind of politically correct pieties that often plague stories about cultural outsiders. Unlike, say, Ken Loach in his last film, the nauseatingly smug "Ae Fond Kiss," Mr. Akin doesn't presume to know how to tie up religious, cultural and sexual differences in a neat package.
Germany, it emerges, is no more hospitable to Cahit and Sibel than the couple's own family and background. It also isn't any better for non-Turkish Germans. That's tough on this unlikely pair, but it's not the end of them, either.
Despite the tears, the blood and the booze, "Head-On" is a hopeful film, if for no other reason than Cahit and Sibel can't be sized up or pinned down, their troubles filed under immigration and assimilation. Their tribulations are at once specific and universal, by turns grimly funny and darkly ironic. Set principally against the grubby environs of working-class Hamburg, in dives and derelict apartments, the film has a terrific sense of place. The city's grubbiness works a vivid contrast to the visions of Turkey that flicker throughout the film. Istanbul looks beautiful, but then so, too, does Cahit's wreck of an apartment, where anarchy and the freedom it promises linger as stubbornly as the smell of stale beer and cigarettes.
'Head-On'
Opens today in Manhattan.
Written (in German and Turkish, with English subtitles) and directed by Fatih Akin; director of photography, Rainer Klausmann; edited by Andrew Bird; artistic director, Andreas Thiel; produced by Ralph Schwingel, Stefan Schubert and Wüste Filmproduktion; released by Strand Releasing. At the Angelika Film Center, Mercer and Houston Streets, Greenwich Village. Running time: 118 minutes. This film is not rated.
WITH: Birol Unel (Cahit), Sibel Kekilli (Sibel), Catrin Striebeck (Maren) and Guven Kirac (Seref).
Posted at 07:19 am by R7fel
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Thursday, January 20, 2005
A Pictures Tells A Thousand Words
US troops kill father and mother in front of their Iraqis children
By: wholetruth123 on: 20.01.2005 [02:26 ] (5804 reads)
Kids orphaned day before Eid. Occupiers |
Posted at 06:18 pm by R7fel
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Sorry, But, No Pound of Flesh Shylocks
Harry refuses to to go Auschwitz
LONDON (Reuters) - Britain's Prince Harry on Thursday ruled out visiting Auschwitz as atonement for wearing a Nazi uniform at a party just two weeks before the 60th anniversary of the death camp's liberation.
Jewish groups had demanded the 20-year-old grandson of Queen Elizabeth make the symbolic gesture as a way of apologizing for wearing a swastika armband and an army shirt with Nazi regalia at a costume party on Saturday.
The prince has apologized for his "mistake" but Jewish rights groups and politicians said he should do more.
"This was a shameful act displaying insensitivity for the victims, not just for those soldiers of his own country who gave their lives to defeat Nazism but to the victims of the Holocaust ..." said Rabbi Marvin Hier, dean of the U.S.-based Simon Wiesenthal Center.
He added in a statement: "We strongly urge Prince Harry to accompany the British delegation on January 27th to the Auschwitz death camp to commemorate 60 years since liberation. There he will see the results of the hated symbol he so foolishly and brazenly chose to wear."
A royal official said he understood the calls for the prince to go to Auschwitz but there were no plans for him to attend any of the ceremonies.
"It would be a distraction and a detraction from the importance of the occasion because it would become a different story in media terms," the official told Reuters.
"He recognizes he made a very bad mistake and he apologizes for that. There are no plans for him to say anything more."
The Nazis murdered six million Jews and millions of others including Poles, homosexuals, Soviet prisoners and Gypsies. Millions more were imprisoned or forced to work as slaves.
Photographs of the younger son of the late Princess Diana and heir to the throne Prince Charles in Nazi attire appeared in Britain's Sun newspaper, in Israeli papers and on Web sites around the world.
Harry, third in line to the throne, said in a statement he was sorry if he had caused any offence. "It was a poor choice of costume and I apologize," he said.
Posted at 05:11 pm by R7fel
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Will the Real Villain...Please, Stand Up
Can You Imagine?:
Hussein Was Right & Bush Was Wrong
by Harry Browne
January 15, 2005
You may remember that in 2002, the year before the Iraq War began, the United Nations Security Council ordered Iraq to produce a report detailing all of its biological, chemical, and nuclear weapons — past and present. Iraqi officials complied and produced an 11,800-page report on Iraq's weapons programs. The report described all the chemical and biological weapons the country once had — where they came from and what was done with them — as well as what had happened to Iraq's nuclear weapons program.
Although the report was prepared for the United Nations, U.S. officials intercepted the report, edited out 8,000 pages (over two thirds) of it, and delivered its Reader's Digest version of the report to the UN.
A German reporter managed to obtain a copy of the original report from Iraq, and then compared it with the truncated copy the U.S. gave to the UN. He found that the missing parts covered the Iraqis' acquisition of chemical and biological weapons from the U.S., the delivery of non-fissionable materials for a nuclear bomb by the U.S. to the Iraqis, and the training of Iraqi nuclear scientists at U.S. nuclear facilities in Los Alamos, Sandia, and Berkeley.
The basic points made in the report were:
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Iraq once had chemical and biological weapons.
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Some of those weapons were destroyed at the end of the Gulf War; the rest were destroyed under the supervision of the UN weapons inspectors.
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Iraq once had a program to develop nuclear weapons.
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Some of the nuclear weapons facilities were destroyed at the end of the Gulf War; the rest were destroyed under the supervision of the UN weapons inspectors.
UN weapons inspector Hans Blix said the conclusions stated in the report were basically true — that Iraq no longer had dangerous weapons.
Colin Powell dismissed the report, calling it a "catalogue of recycled information and flagrant omissions." Of course, as we now know, the information was recycled because it happened to be true, and the omissions were flagrant because U.S. officials had done the omitting.
Hussein said he would like to bring the UN weapons inspectors back to Iraq. (They had left for safety reasons in 1998 when President Clinton resumed air strikes against Iraq.) President Bush called Hussein's offer a "cynical ploy" and managed to nip any such idea in the bud.
Hussein also invited the U.S. Congress to send representatives, accompanied by experts, to inspect any facilities in Iraq that they wanted. President Bush said this changed nothing, and he managed to derail the sending of a Congressional delegation.
Over and over, George Bush told us that Saddam Hussein was lying, that he was dragging his feet, that Iraq had dangerous weapons, that Hussein was a threat to the whole world,
Now here we are, over two years later. What have we learned?
The Bush administration is trying to sugar-coat the above conclusions by saying that the recently concluded weapons hunt by Charles Duelfer and the CIA's Iraq Survey Group (ISG) discovered an "intent" by Hussein to renew his WMD programs if the U.S. would only stay out of Iraq. However, Duelfer has provided absolutely no hard evidence of such an "intent." Once again we're getting firm assertions backed up by nothing.
Former weapons inspector Scott Ritter has summed it all up very well:
One of the tragic ironies of the decision to invade Iraq is that the Iraqi WMD declaration required by security council resolution 1441, submitted by Iraq in December 2002, and summarily rejected by Bush and Blair as repackaged falsehoods, now stands as the most accurate compilation of data yet assembled regarding Iraq’s WMD programs (more so than even Duelfer’s ISG report, which contains much unsubstantiated speculation). Saddam Hussein has yet to be contradicted on a single point of substantive fact. Iraq had disarmed; no one wanted to accept that conclusion.
In other words, the Butcher of Baghdad was correct; the President of the United States of America was wrong. The Butcher of Baghdad will be put on trial for "war crimes." The President of the United States of America was reelected to "lead" the country for four more years.
It's a sorry state of affairs in America when you can trust the words of Saddam Hussein more than those of your own President.
Posted at 03:31 am by R7fel
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Wednesday, January 19, 2005
Ongoing Propaganda Campaign
Mass hypnosis in the Middle East
Hasan Abu Nimah & Ali Abunimah, The Electronic Intifada, 19 January 2005
The election that just took place in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip has been hailed as a great democratic achievement and breakthrough for the region. It is actually no more than a thin layer of light shaving foam which will soon be blown away by the strong winds of reality.
What explains the widespread readiness of various groups to lapse into hypnosis and euphoria about a non-existent "window of opportunity" for peace? Some parties have sought to assert their consistency by exaggerating this opportunity. Their enthusiasm about new Palestinian Authority chairman Mahmoud Abbas merely justifies their former insistence that the late Yasser Arafat had been the key obstacle to peace. Others are gullible victims of an ongoing propaganda campaign waged by Israel and its allies since the failed Camp David summit in July 2000 that the Israelis have been waiting only for the emergence of a "moderate" partner with whom to rush towards the desired peace.
Then there are those who adopt anything that holds promise for the Israeli line and embrace all developments that distract from Israel's actions on the ground. There are people too who believe that any activity — no matter how futile — will save them the embarrassment of cowardly inaction and shameful silence and some servants of power who simply want to jump on the bandwagon in case accidental, effortless progress gives them the chance to gain prestige or profit.
A growing group forms the hard core of the international peace process industry — those who have grown accustomed to living as parasites off other people's tragedies, basking in luxury and benefitting personally as they move endlessly from conference to meeting to seminar, shuttling from one capital city hotel to another extruding hand-wringing statements and "initiatives" in their wake. They "exhaust" their precious time supposedly in the service of other people's interests but demonstrate none of the honesty needed to confront the growing crisis caused by Israel's intransigence.
These factors and others account for the existence of the large, enthusiastic crowd who hail the new season of political manipulation and self-serving opportunism. A "moderate" is born and a peace settlement is at last knocking on the door. Unemployed Middle East envoys and their travel agents rejoice.
It is baffling and unsettling that so many people can so easily succumb to fantasy and deception, but this is the mesmerizing effect of propaganda combined with power.
As far as the Bush administration is concerned, it welcomes the engineered Abbas victory and believes, with the same dissociation from reality that drove Washington's plans for Iraq, that Abbas will be ready, willing and able to accomodate the full extent of Sharon's positions and that this could lead to a resolution to the conflict which avoids any need to put pressure on Israel and rids America of a troublesome burden.
The Europeans, whose perception of the situation is supposed to be fundamentally different, have now adopted wholesale the anti-Palestinian view of Bush-Sharon: that the problem lies on the Palestinian side and that cosmetic change at the top will somehow magically push change on the ground. Just look at the latest "contribution" to the peace process from the EU. Following an attack by Palestinian fighters on an Israeli army facility in the occupied Gaza Strip on 13 January, which killed several Israeli subcontractors of the occupation forces, the presidency of the EU, currently held by Luxembourg, issued a statement condemning the action as "terrorist" and offering "its sincere condolences to the Israeli government and the families of the victims."
By contrast, the EU presidency stayed absolutely silent when on January 4 Israeli occupation forces in Gaza killed seven Palestinian children with a tank shell, literally shredding their bodies to pieces according to eyewitnesses. Nor did the EU find it worthy of comment when the day following the Palestinian election, the Israeli army revealed a plan to demolish an additional 3,000 homes in Rafah refugee camp in southern Gaza. This activity has previously been condemned by Amnesty International and John Dugard, the UN's Special Rapporteur for the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as a "war crime." And none of the endless stream of EU envoys has found it worthy of comment that Israel's deputy defense minister, Ze'ev Boim, recently threatened to bombard Palestinian refugee camps in the Gaza Strip with artillery to punish civilians for harboring resistance fighters. Last year Mr. Boim speculated that violence by Palestinians was caused by a "genetic flaw."
Many others are too indifferent to take the mere responsibility of forming a position. They follow the easiest course: why should they be more royalist than the king?
But what does this charade offer the Israeli leadership and the Palestinian Authority?
It is hard to imagine that the Palestinian leadership is oblivious that the chances of any meaningful movement towards a settlement are nil. They may certainly take great comfort from positive comments on their choice of a likable leader, especially when such praise comes from great statesmen such as President Bush, who instantly opened the doors of the White House to Abbas. But they cannot be so naïve as to expect that Bush will retract his firm assurances to Israel that the facts Israel created in the occupied territories -- the ever-growing settlements -- are there to stay and that in accordance with Israel's desire to maintain Jewish ethnic dominance, Palestinian refugees will be banned from returning to their homes. Neither can the Palestinian leadership be naïve enough to think that from these extremist positions any peace agreement can be extracted.
They must know that Sharon, whose expansionist positions are enunciated to the global public, will not allow any Palestinian initiative to take off no matter how moderate, and Washington will not pressure Israel to do otherwise. They must know that Sharon will present the new PA leader with impossible demands, which if he ever miraculously manages to meet will be instantly followed by ever more onerous conditions.
Above all, the Palestinian Authority leaders must know that any possible agreement on the available Israeli-American terms will endanger their grip on power and therefore, contrary to what many may believe, it is in their keen interest to keep pushing it away.
If for PA leaders a bad agreement is hazardous because it exposes them to charges of selling out, so is stagnation, which would indicate inaction and failure. Therefore the ideal situation is a "peace process" which is all process and no peace, all promise but no fulfillment, fueled by aid money from the European Union and the United States. This allows the leaders to buy time and exercise the luxury of authority without any specific responsibility.
For this reason, the PA and the Fatah movement that dominates it rallied around Abbas, ganged up to discourage and intimidate any competition, and mobilized all their forces to protect their monopoly. With great political skill they succeeded in winning broad international support for their candidate by demonstrating their preparedness to end the Intifada and rid Israel of its most serious problem: Palestinian resistance to its ongoing aggression and occupation. These leaders seem prepared now, as they were at Oslo in 1993, to say and do whatever it takes to secure their position at the top.
Hence the Intifada is a problem not only for Israel but also for the PA. If the ideal situation for the PA is an open-ended peace process, it also needs to be one conducted without the bothersome fact of Palestinian resistance throwing it "off track."
What the Israelis and the PA have in common is that they see no urgency for a final settlement. The Israelis want time to complete the colonization of the West Bank, especially the huge tracts recently grabbed through construction of the apartheid wall. Israel wants no discussion of such final status issues as Jerusalem or refugees as long as there exists any slight chance that such issues might not be settled their way.
So the convenient alternative for both parties is the status quo accompanied by endless negotiations. The big difference of course is that while Israel is deferring to consolidate its gains, the PA is deferring to satisfy its desire for power. The people are left to fend for themselves.
Hasan Abu Nimah is the former permanent representative of Jordan at the United Nations. Ali Abunimah is co-founder of The Electronic Intifada and Electronic Iraq.
Posted at 09:57 am by R7fel
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