Friday, December 02, 2005
I Say MERRY CHRIST MASS!!!

 
Taking Christ out of Christmas… Do We

Really Have to Take it Anymore?
 
December 01, 2005 09:40 PM EST


Well I see that the scrooges on the left side of the political spectrum are at it again … taking down Christmas trees, renaming items as “holiday” such as holiday cards, holiday tree, holiday party, holiday gifts, etc. The list just keeps going on.

The only hilarious thing I have found this year is a group of people are sending the ACLU “ Merry Christmas” cards. Now that’s funny, but not as clever as what happened last year when a group of Christian protesters aligned themselves outside the ACLU headquarters and sang Christmas carols to the president of the ACLU. That was a classic. They should do it every year and include other on the list too.

Not only this, but I have seen pictures of aborted fetuses on Christmas cards that read something like, “Have a Merry Christmas and Happy New Year, but this child will never get to experience that. Thank you”. Yes, these cards exist and some are worse and cannot be repeated in this article. Most of these are sent to abortion clinics and Planned Parenthood offices. That’s a little too gruesome for me and I don’t like looking at those pictures, so I’ll just stick with traditional Christmas cards.

The one thing that has stood out in the news ( see link below ) is the story of a family that has a nativity scene in their own front yard. The subdivision community leaders are demanding that the scene be taken down, despite the family’s freedom of speech and freedom of religion. Besides that, it is on personal private property and is not on commercial or government property. So now we have to take this mess from the left even though the display is on our own property? I should say not.

I say that the family should fight this tooth and nail and not back down regardless of what the local scrooges threaten. Now that the story has aired, the family is gaining national support as they should. I for one, support them.

What is this nation coming to when one is told what they can or cannot have on their own personal private property? That’s a dangerous ideal that leads to socialism. We cannot and must not tolerate these actions and must do everything in our power to keep our rights of freedom of speech and religion.

Some may not like it, but Christmas is not about buying gifts. It is about celebrating the virgin birth of the Lord Jesus Christ. That’s why it is called Christmas. The atheists of the country try to boycott everything Christian, but that means that they must have a different calendar than everyone else since my calendar reads AD and our time is based on BC and AD. How can someone be atheist and have the same calendar?

The gifts that are given at Christmas are symbolic of the gifts given to baby Jesus by the wise men. Do the left give gifts? Sure they do. But why? I can’t see their reasoning in giving a gift and calling it a “holiday gift” when the whole scene is symbolic of what happened 2005 years ago.

The politically correct along with groups like the ACLU and Move On just don’t get it. Ramadan comes at a time near Halloween and Columbus Day, and Yom Kippur. Yet, we do not see a “holiday” saying then do we? What’s the difference? Wouldn’t it be easier to say holidays instead of each individual day and what it is? Why not? That’s what the left has done to Christmas. They tried to ban Christmas by claiming that the reason for “holidays” is that there are many days of importance associated around the time of Christmas. That theory fails to hold up under the example I just gave you.

Every year the war on Christmas ( yes, John Gibson and Sean Hannity was right) gets worse. From banning school plays to banning personal lawn signs, the left clearly has an agenda for eradicating Christmas. Maybe the ghost of Christmas past, present and future has not visited them yet, but I sure hope they do soon. Maybe the scrooges will wake up and see reality for what it is! Until then, I WILL keep saying MERRY CHRSTMAS and no one has the authority to tell me otherwise. I hope you do the same.

RESOURCES : Away with the manger: Another nativity scene removed

http://www.detnews.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20051129/LIFESTYLE04/511290380/1005/LIFESTYLE


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Fake News Stories

"Paying off the Iraqi media to run good news mirrors what the Bush administration has been doing at home."

It's Propaganda (Shock, Horror)!

By David Isenberg

12/02/05 "
Asia Times" --- -- The news of a US military operation that pays Iraqi newspapers to run stories written by "information operations" troops about how wonderfully things are going in the war should not come as a shock.

Even before the Iraq invasion, the Pentagon planned to create its own in-house propaganda and disinformation operation, to be called the Office of Strategic Influence. The program was supposedly killed after critics pointed out how easily the phony news it created could drift back into the domestic media.

Nevertheless, the occupation of Iraq has put the Pentagon in the "strategic influence" business in a big way, with its own TV news operation (the Pentagon Channel), a then-coalition-controlled Iraqi TV and radio network (now nominally in the hands of the Iraqi government, but still powered by Pentagon dollars and run by a US vendor) and millions of dollars to hire public relations firms and consultants to spin the coalition's propaganda to the Iraqi people.

In fact, paying off the Iraqi media to run good news mirrors what the Bush administration has been doing at home.

For example, in the past year it was revealed that the Bush administration paid nearly a quarter of a million dollars to a prominent conservative commentator, Armstrong Williams, to promote a new education law that had been strongly supported by President George W Bush. The Education Department paid a public relations firm for a video that promoted the law and appeared as a news story, without making clear the reporter was hired as part of the deal.

Similarly, some-time reporter and $200-an-hour gay escort, James Guckert, aka Jeff Gannon, violated a ban on "fake" news stories by reprinting White House news releases verbatim.

The gist of the latest story is that beginning this year as part of an information offensive in Iraq, the US military began secretly paying Iraqi newspapers to publish stories written by American troops in an effort to burnish the image of the US mission in Iraq.

Responding to the growing furor over the disclosure, the Senate Armed Services Committee has summoned Defense Department officials for a briefing on the issue. "I am concerned about any actions that may undermine the credibility of the United States as we help the Iraqi people stand up a democracy," said the committee's chairman, John Warner.

The White House, too, says it is very concerned and is seeking more information.

The articles, written by the US military troops, are translated into Arabic and placed in Baghdad newspapers as unbiased news accounts with the help of the Lincoln Group, a Washington-based public relations firm located on legendary consultant central, K St, paid by the Pentagon. Lincoln's contract is with the Pentagon's special ops propaganda machine - JPOSE (Joint Psychological Operations Support Element).

In addition to paying newspapers to print government propaganda, Lincoln has paid about a dozen Iraqi journalists each several hundred dollars a month. Those journalists were chosen because their past coverage had not been antagonistic to the United States,

US officials in Washington said the payments were made through the Baghdad Press Club; an organization they said was created more than a year ago by US Army officers. Members of the Press Club are paid as much as $200 a month, depending on how many positive pieces they produce.

A spokesman for the US military in Baghdad, Major General Rick Lynch, responded that "a propaganda war is under way in Iraq" as militants were also using the media. "Conducting these kidnappings, these beheadings, these explosions so that he gets international coverage to look like he has more capability than he truly has," Lynch said.

"He is lying to the Iraqi people. We don't lie. We don't need to lie," Lynch added.

Ironically, according to the reports, the Lincoln Group has also been paying Ahmad Chalabi's newspaper, al-Mutamar, to reprint pro-American propaganda. Hundreds of millions of dollars in subsidies were lavished on Iraqi exile Chalabi and his surrogates in the run-up to the invasion of Iraq. Chalabi is now a deputy prime minister. Chalabi was influential in helping boost the Bush administration's "case" that Saddam Hussein had a weapons of mass destruction program.

What is worth noting is the lack of substance in the stories. One of them was titled "Iraqis Insist on Living Despite Terrorism". That ranks up there with the sun sets in the West and the tide rolls in and out. It also explains why the paper was only paid $50 for it.

Also, in some cases the military articles placed in the Iraqi press had copied verbatim text from copyrighted publications and passed it on to be printed without attribution.

These stories, however, are part of a continuing and longstanding effort to shape public opinion; more accurately described as psychological operations (psyops) in Iraq.

An article in the American Prospect blog notes that in February a couple of local staffers of President George W Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney headed to Iraq to work with Iraqex, the company that in March rebranded itself as The Lincoln Group to match that of its corporate parent, the Lincoln Alliance Corporation, a DC-based "business intelligence" firm.

Also, famed New York ad man, Jerry Della Femina, is on The Lincoln Group's advisory board.

But in late 2003 or early 2004 the Lincoln Alliance Corp became Iraqex. In October 2004, it won a $6 million contract from the Multi-National Corps-Iraq (formerly known as Combined Joint Task Force-7, which had operational control of all troops in Iraq) to design and execute an "aggressive advertising and public relations campaign that will accurately inform the Iraqi people of the coalition's goals and gain their support", according to the contract's August 2004 request for proposal.

Lincoln Group executive vice president Christian Bailey, a British venture capitalist, was involved with Lead21, a Republican business organization registered with the Internal Revenue Service as a 527 committee, which is a tax-exempt organization that engages in political activities

After graduating from Oxford University in England in the 1990s, Bailey moved to the San Francisco area about 1998, and in 1999, founded Express Action, an e-commerce company he apparently later sold. In 2002, Bailey was identified as the founder and chairman of a New York-based hedge fund called Lincoln Asset Management. On March 1, 2003, it was reported that Lincoln Asset Management had an initial $100 million in commitments to underwrite a leveraged buyout fund to acquire defense and intelligence companies.

The Lincoln Group is not the only firm engaged in psyops. In June, the Washington Post reported that the Pentagon had awarded three contracts, potentially worth up to $300 million over five years, to companies it hoped would inject more creativity into its psychological operations efforts to improve foreign public opinion about the US, particularly the military.

SYColeman Inc of Arlington, Lincoln Group and Science Applications International Corp were to help develop ideas and prototypes for radio and television spots, documentaries, or even text messages, pop-up ads on the Internet, podcasting, billboards and novelty items.

It is worth emphasizing that because of the security situation, US correspondents in Iraq are rarely able to leave the Green Zone in Baghdad or other US military bases to engage in on-the-ground reporting, and thus must rely, in part, on reports by Iraqis in the Iraqi press to assess the situation on the ground.

But the news that some of this media are simply US military propaganda undermines even this source of information.

Reportedly, the US military's top commanders, including General Peter Pace, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, did not know about the Lincoln Group contract until it was first described by The Los Angeles Times. Pentagon officials said Pace and other top officials were disturbed and demanded explanations from senior officers in Iraq.

The bottom line is the Iraqi press is neither free, nor even Iraqi.

David Isenberg, a senior analyst with the Washington-based British American Security Information Council (BASIC), has a wide background in arms control and national security issues. The views expressed are his own.

Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/GL03Ak02.html


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Friday, November 25, 2005
Motu Propio

Pope Benedict Enforcing Traditional Rules and Orthodoxy

By John Jalsevac – Writing from Rome

ROME, Italy, December 24, 2005 (LifeSiteNews.com) - In an apostolic letter released by the Vatican Press this past Saturday, Pope Benedict again demonstrated his unwillingness to tolerate serious dissent in the Church and further raised the ire of liberal groups, already up in arms anticipating the newly leaked Vatican document reaffirming the centuries-long ban on admitting homosexuals into the priesthood. 

In the "motu proprio" (on his own initiative)  letter, Pope Benedict officially revoked the unusual four decade long autonomy of the notoriously liberal Franciscan basilicas in Assisi, again placing them under the jurisdictional authority of the local bishop. The bishop of Assisi, said the pope, "from this moment on, will have the jurisdiction foreseen by (canon) law over churches and religious houses regarding all pastoral activities undertaken by the Conventual fathers in the Basilica of St. Francis and by the Friars Minor of St. Mary of the Angels."

Annoyed liberal commentators have interpreted this unexpected maneuver by the Holy Father as an attempt to 'reign-in' the Franciscans in regards to some of their more controversial or unorthodox initiatives, most notably the abuses of their so-called "inter-faith dialogues" that Benedict strongly spoke out against while still Cardinal Ratzinger. One minister of the liberal Democrats of the Left Party, however, complained bitterly that, "Now the Franciscans have their hands tied and can no longer be a bridge between the Church and society."

In Italy the Franciscan basilicas have come to be widely associated with left-leaning groups, including, amongst others, leaders of the communist party. However, the particular event that many Italian news-sources have been rehashing in the last number of days is the highly controversial visit to Assisi by former Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz, one of Saddam Hussein's right-hand men, in 2003, shortly before the commencement of the Iraq wars.

Former Assisian bishop Goretti welcomed Benedict's new directives, lamenting, "Often I would learn about their initiatives from the newspapers…in Assisi it was absurd that there existed autonomous enclaves over which the bishop had no power at all."

But while conservative sources in Rome agree that, while true that this is most likely a disciplinary measure on Benedict's part aimed at the Franciscan Friars, that isn't the complete or most important part of the story. 

Almost simultaneous with the announcement that the basilicas were to again answer to the bishop, Benedict announced the appointment of Archbishop Dominico Sorrentino as bishop of the diocese of Assisi. Although slipping by general notice amidst the furor over the controversy surrounding the Franciscan shrines, some commentators are speculating that the appointment of Sorrentino may be the most important development yet in Benedict's papacy.

Until his new appointment Sorrentino had served in one of the highest positions in the Church as secretary of the Congregation for Liturgy. Catholic World News reports that "The new appointment for Archbishop Sorrentino is one of the first important changes that Pope Benedict has made in the leadership of the Roman Curia, and the first time that he has assigned a Curial official to a new post outside the Vatican."

For some time now Sorrentino has not been looked upon favorably by orthodox Catholics who have questioned some of his decisions and motives pertaining to a number of technical but important issues related to the Catholic liturgy. And in Italy, especially, Sorrentino has received criticism for his involvement in seminars related to exonerating Giordano Bruno, a crazed 16th century Dominican monk who taught anti-Catholic, anti-Christian doctrines, arguing, amongst other things, that Christ was merely a skilled magician, that the Devil would be saved, and similarly and universally repugnant teachings to Christians. 

Sorrentino's new post, in one of the smallest dioceses in Italy, with a population of a mere 77,000 Catholics, removes the vast majority of his universal influence in the Church. Furthermore, both Sorrentino and the Franciscan basilicas, according to Benedict's directives, will now also answer to Cardinal Ruini, one of the most conservative members in the College of Cardinals. 

Archbishop Sorrentino, says the Pope, "will hear the opinion of the president of the Umbra Episcopal Conference for initiatives that affect the Region, of the Presidency of the Italian Episcopal Conference for those of a larger radius." Which is to say that any pastoral decisions having a far-reaching effect, most especially any further attempts at hosting "Peace Conferences", which in the past have appalled Christians by openly celebrating pagan religions, will have to pass by Cardinal Ruini. 

Some are calling this dual decision, of reinstating the normal authority of the bishop over churches in his diocese, particularly the Franciscan basilicas, and the transfer of Sorrentino from the Roman Curia, as "brilliant", the killing of two birds with one stone.

Indeed, in light of a series of recent dramatic decisions by the Holy Father, many hopeful Catholics are increasingly speaking about the so-called "reform of the reform" that the new pope has undertaken since the beginning of his pontificate. Although the "do and don't ask questions" technique that he has employed has caused consternation amongst Catholic liberal fringe groups, many see this practical, hands-on approach as the natural conclusion to the papacy of John Paul II, who painstakingly laid the philosophical and pastoral groundwork for the new reform.


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The Boss

Rock and a Hard Place

Published: November 25, 2005

Ridgewood, N.J.

ON May 26, Senator Tom Coburn, Republican of Oklahoma, sponsored a resolution congratulating Carrie Underwood for winning the "American Idol" television program.

Last Friday, Senators Jon Corzine and Frank Lautenberg, Democrats of New Jersey, sponsored a resolution congratulating Bruce Springsteen on the 30th anniversary of his album "Born to Run."

Guess which resolution got shot down by the party in power?

In the recent past, Senator Bill Frist, the Senate majority leader, has seen fit to sponsor resolutions recognizing "Sun Studio's Contribution to the Birth of Rock 'n' Roll," and commending the Grand Ole Opry on its 80th anniversary. There have been House and Senate resolutions congratulating or commending musicians, artists and athletes like Chris LeDoux (a rodeo champion and musician), Michael Campbell (a golfer from New Zealand) and Siegfried and Roy.

But no love for the Boss.

Senator Frist or one of his colleagues didn't let the resolution come up for consideration.

I confess to having a bias here. I am from New Jersey and a big Bruce Springsteen fan. In fact, on several occasions in recent years I have even gone to Bruce Springsteen concerts with my childhood friend, Christopher J. Christie, the United States Attorney for New Jersey, arguably the state's most prominent Republican, a Bush appointee, an honorable man and a total Springsteen freak. In his office in Newark, he has a guitar signed by the Boss on his wall. Chris probably wears a black "Born to Run" concert T-shirt as a pajama top, but I can't swear to that.

Bruce Springsteen's music, especially "Born to Run," meant a lot to Chris and me growing up. It still means a lot to us. But now I wonder. Will Chris have to take his guitar down from the wall? Now that I've outed him as a Springsteen fanatic, will this hurt his standing with Senator Frist and company, with the administration, with the Republican Party? And really, when you think about it, isn't it pathetic that those last few questions aren't asked in jest?

Love him or hate him, there can be little doubt of Bruce Springsteen's contribution to culture and music. You can't even fault the guy on the personal stuff. By all accounts, he is a good husband, father, man. Unlike many of his musical colleagues, he has never been involved in scandals or self-destructive binges: "No drug busts, no blood changes in Switzerland," the singer Bono said. "No bad hair periods even in the 80's."

So why was he denied this honor?

That's a rhetorical question, of course. Does anybody on either side of the political aisle really believe that the Springsteen resolution was turned down for any reason other than political payback for backing John Kerry?

We are so shameless now, so openly hostile to one another, that we don't even pretend otherwise. Here is how the senate power structure works: the resolution sponsored by Senator Gordon Smith, Republican of Oregon, honoring that golfer from New Zealand passed unanimously - but commending one of the seminal albums and musicians of the past 30 years gets nixed right away? Come on.

What happened to embracing diversity of opinion in this country? What happened to the idea that a healthy opposition is good for us, that it helps clarify our own views, that only when one idea is shown better than another does it truly strengthen? And when did we stop listening to the other side, if for no other reason than it's polite, humane and hey, it helps us hone our own viewpoint?

I don't love it when musicians or actors (or novelists, for that matter) get on their soapbox. I know my friend Chris doesn't agree with everything the Boss says. Neither do I. But we listen. Part of the paradox here is that many of Mr. Springsteen's characters - the factory worker, the soldier, the working stiff seeking release, the Friday-night racer looking for escape - would vote Republican.

But it doesn't matter to the Boss that his own creations may disagree with him. He loves them anyway. Maybe he loves them even more because of it.

Harlan Coben is the author, most recently, of "The Innocent," a novel.

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/25/opinion/25coben.html?th&emc=th


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It's Like A Nightmare You Can't Wake Up From

In Miss., Time Now Stands Still

Recovery Is Stagnant In Post-Katrina Towns

By Michael Powell
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, November 25, 2005; Page A01

PASS CHRISTIAN, Miss. -- Three months ago, Katrina all but scoured this old beach town of 8,000 off the face of the Earth. To walk its streets today is to see acres of wreckage almost as untouched as the day the hurricane passed.

No new houses are framed out. No lots cleared. There is just devastation and a lingering stench and a tent city in which hundreds of residents huddle against the first chill of winter and wonder where they'll find the money to rebuild their lives.

Billy McDonald, the white-haired mayor whose house was reduced to a concrete slab by 55-foot-high waves, works out of a trailer. He doesn't expect the word "recovery" to roll off his lips for many months.

"Lots of folks don't have flood insurance; lots of folks don't have jobs; lots of folks don't have hope," McDonald said. "We're a hurting place."

This is the other land laid low by Katrina's fury. Like New Orleans to the west, hundreds of square miles of Mississippi coastland look little better than they did in early September, and many people here harbor anger that the federal government has fallen short and that the nation's attention has turned away. At least 200,000 Mississippians remain displaced, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency is short at least 13,000 trailers to house them.

Fifty thousand homeowners lack federal flood insurance and cannot rebuild. The casinos, which employed 17,000 people, won't begin to reopen until next year, and the unemployment rate has quadrupled, now topping 23 percent in the coastal counties.

Half a dozen towns, Pass Christian among them, are borrowing millions of dollars to pay bills, and some officials are talking about surrendering charters and becoming wards of the state.

"FEMA continues to be able to mess up a one-car funeral -- we don't begin to have enough money for major reconstruction," said Rep. Gene Taylor (D), who lost his own home in Bay St. Louis. "We're going to have a lot of defaults and bankruptcies.

"The federal response, from highways to housing to trailers, is completely unacceptable."

The personal shock of it all hasn't subsided. Locals say it's not uncommon to hear perfectly rational people talk of suicide.

Developers and casino companies and local politicians have begun to map out a rebuilding plan, but that stirs anxiety, too. In this poorest state in the nation, where nearly 22 percent of residents live in poverty and 40,000 homes lack adequate plumbing, thousands of Mississippians could find themselves unable to afford to return to the land of their birth.

The hurricane pushed tens of thousands of coastal residents north and west, spreading over four states. The longer it takes to rebuild houses and businesses, the more officials worry that the dispossessed, particularly the working class, may never return.

"The response of the federal government is bewildering and deplorable," said Bruce Katz, director of metropolitan policy at the Brookings Institution, who has written two studies of the Katrina response. "We know how to deliver quality affordable housing in the United States -- we just need the will and leadership to do it."

Public housing authorities along the Mississippi coast lost 2,000 apartments and suffered $155 million in damages. But the federal government, which expects to spend close to $2 billion on temporary trailers, has not offered a dime to rebuild public housing. A spokeswoman with the Department of Housing and Urban Development said the agency's budget could remain just as tight next year.

Roy Necaise, chief operating officer of a regional Mississippi housing authority, said: "We have no federal funds, absolutely none, to rebuild. There's absolutely nothing standing on the coast right now, and it's going to be a long time before we're able to bring folks home.

"Washington has totally let us down, and it's a disgrace."

The lack of federal flood insurance is an even greater problem. When 30-foot walls of water crashed into coastal towns, thousands who lived outside official flood zones lost their homes.

Ross Stanley, who rebuilds old boats, stands in alligator cowboy boots, jeans and reflector shades, cradling a Bud Light. He is hosing down his patio and a lawn chair, which are all that's left of his house. D'Iberville was a roiling lake for eight hours on Aug. 29, and Stanley says about three-quarters of his neighbors had no flood insurance.

"You figure it ain't happening to me," he said. "Well, time to cowboy up. That's all you can do because you sure as hell ain't rebuilding. It's like a nightmare you can't wake up from."

Gov. Haley Barbour (R) has asked FEMA to let Gulf Coast area residents buy flood insurance retroactively if they pay 10 years of premiums, or about $3,000. But FEMA lacks the money even to pay existing claims. It is waiting for Congress to appropriate more.

Two weeks ago, FEMA officials began releasing guidelines that will require most coastal houses to be built on stilts. That is perhaps advisable in a hurricane zone, but it will add tens of thousands of dollars per house to construction costs.

Not all the news is grim. Workers in Biloxi have carted away 1 million cubic yards of debris. They have stretched blue tarps over tens of thousands of damaged roofs. Every town along the Gulf Coast has an operating school -- the last one opened in Bay St. Louis on Nov. 6, albeit with only 100 of its original 300 students.

But this politically conservative state has a threadbare safety net. Two weeks ago, county officials lifted an informal moratorium on evictions. Tenants cannot claim rent breaks for water-damaged apartments. One can sit now in housing courts in Gulfport and Biloxi and watch judges order the evictions of hundreds of tenants, often with a speed that startles the tenants.

"There's a hanging judge mentality and, my God, it's going to create a social crisis," said John C. Jopling, a lawyer with the Mississippi Center for Justice, which represented a few tenants.

The mayor of Gulfport, Mississippi's second largest city, recently removed a tent city of contract workers from a golf course. And under pressure from developers, he balked at signing off on emergency trailer parks, even though the inhabitants would be displaced city residents. "It creates an environment people don't want to live around," Gulfport developer Don Hall told the Harrison County Board of Supervisors recently, according to news reports.

Katrina left behind a great swell of land speculation. Signs reading "Cash for Homes" and "We Pay Top $ for Waterfront Property" are ubiquitous, as are developers hanging around city planning offices. It's urban renewal by hurricane, clearing land for a new Mississippi of upscale condominium towers and parks and many casinos. The many working-class residents who live within view of the coast could be outward bound.

"It's possible you're going to see a demographic shift because a lot of people are going to like the opportunities," Robert Latham, executive director of the Mississippi Emergency Management Agency, said on a recent tour of Gulfport. "We're going to clear a lot of land. . . . You're going to see such a great economic boom down here, you won't believe it."

Keith Burton is a longtime Biloxian, a certified dice dealer and editor of the much-read Gulf Coast News online service. With local officials concerned there are still bodies buried in homes and casino ships lying like beached whales along the highway, he advised slowing down a bit.

"Maybe this is a future boomtown -- it's super-prime land," he said of Biloxi. "But if that kind of rebirth happens, it will be on the backs of the lives of a lot of Biloxians. It's like talking bad about somebody at their funeral."

A Little Kingdom


There are twin devastations in Mississippi, and it would take Solomon to pick the worse of the two. There are the coastal cities and there are such places as tiny Pearlington, deep in the woods and marshlands along the Louisiana border. Here a 35-foot-high storm surge roared up the Pearl River.

The Rev. James O'Bryan fled hours before the storm, and afterward he asked a neighbor: How far can you get into town?

Until you get to St. Joseph's church, the neighbor replied.

"My heart danced," O'Bryan recalled. "I said, 'Well, that's far enough for me.' "

The neighbor shook his head. Father, he said, your church is sitting on top of three cars in the middle of the road.

Almost three months later, O'Bryan, 79, sits in a shaft of sunlight on the site of his former church, in a white wicker chair atop a four-foot-wide swatch of orange carpet. This is a self-reliant corner of the state, and his neighbors sawed and hauled debris -- one even shot a 12-foot alligator lolling in a living room. But the local school remains shredded, its roof a spaghetti of metal beams. Everyone lost cars and trucks, and there's no money for replacements. Many people sleep in tents or shacks that have been roughly thrown together.

The county's only supermarket is gone. Six shrimp boats still sit on the river bottom. There's a good bit of drug smuggling, but that isn't really a sustaining industry.

Two weeks ago, the Catholic Diocese of Biloxi informed O'Bryan that it won't rebuild the church.

"The bishop tells me we were insured for Camille [a 1969 hurricane] but not for Katrina," O'Bryan said. "I remember going for a walk just before the storm and saying to myself, 'Lord, you aren't going to take my little kingdom from me, are you?' I realized now that he was."

Point Cadet


Point Cadet was the soul of the steamy port city of Biloxi, a place where generations of blacks and whites grew up, joined by Yugoslav and Vietnamese immigrants. It was much beloved and nothing fancy, and it's gone.

On Fourth Street, a row of old wood houses still lies in the street like toppled dominoes. At night, no lights shine. Councilman Bill Stallworth, who represents a poor black neighborhood, points to the gleaming casino towers that edge Point Cadet on three sides. Developers, he said, already talk of the condo towers and green parks in between.

"Without some quick federal money, we're going to look up and see nothing but high-rises in a few years without everyone pressured out," Stallworth said. "If we lose these people who made this city, that would be a lowdown dirty shame."

The anxiety about what was lost and what might come exacts a psychological toll. Before Katrina, county officials said ambulances made about eight calls per month on mental health emergencies. In October, ambulances transported 167 people for psychiatric treatment, many suffering from post-traumatic stress and some talking of suicide.

Rosie Alexander, a woman around age 50 with a fast smile, grew up in Point Cadet and lives in a nearby apartment. She has a master's degree in nursing and worked in a casino. She's out of work, and this state pays the lowest unemployment premium in the nation. Her old casino sent a letter stating that if she's rehired, she must accept an entry-level wage.

Her home stinks of mold, and FEMA hasn't delivered a trailer. She rode out the hurricane in Biloxi and was stunned by what she saw. Bodies in drainage canals, children's dresses and dolls in trees, her best friend's house collapsed and destroyed, along with her friend.

She keeps trying to pack up her possessions. She wrote to Oprah Winfrey and asked for help, but she knows that's foolishness. In her darkest moments, she worries that bridges will be repaired and freight trains will rumble through Biloxi again -- and too many desperate people will seek their end on those tracks.

"I have nightmares, I have flashbacks." She shakes her head; she has talked for an hour with many tears. "I get so upset with all these rich people who say Biloxi will come back bigger and better. Not for us. No, no, no. Nobody I know is getting better."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/11/24/AR2005112400796.html?referrer=email


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Malaysian Treatment of Female Tourist

'Abuse Video'Outrages Malaysia
By Jonathan Kent
BBC News, Kuala Lumpur

Grab from video apparently showing prisoner abuse

Video pictures which appear to show a female prisoner of Chinese origin being humiliated in a Malaysian police station have provoked outrage.

The pictures emerged days before a Malaysian delegation is due in China to mend relations between the two sides.

The trip follows a number of complaints against Malaysian police by female Chinese tourists.

The clip, thought to have been filmed on a mobile phone, appears to show the prisoner and a female police officer.

The officer, who wears a Muslim headscarf, stands in front of the woman, who is forced to strip naked, grasp her ears and squat repeatedly.

The pictures are accompanied by what appears to be a recording of verses from the Koran being recited, although it is unclear if the recording would have been audible to the woman.

The pictures were passed to an opposition lawmaker who released them in the lobby of the Malaysian parliament.

Among those who had gathered to watch them was Interior Minister Azmi Khalid.

Sensitive meeting

He is due to fly to Beijing next Wednesday to placate the Chinese over the treatment of their tourists in Malaysia. A number of Chinese women have claimed they were forced to strip in Malaysian police stations while being spied upon.

Meanwhile, Malaysian immigration officers have been accused of profiling young female Chinese visitors as would-be prostitutes.

Mr Azmi, who is delaying a visit to Pakistan to make the trip to China, says if genuine, the pictures depict abuse and he expects an investigation to follow.

A Malaysian police spokesman says officers are checking to see who made the recording and where it was filmed.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4468810.stm


Posted at 06:40 am by R7fel
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Wednesday, November 23, 2005
Thanksgiving Table Blessing

Thank You, Father    
 
Thank you, Father, for bread and meat.
Thank you for the friends we meet.
Thank you for our Moms and Dads.
Thank you for the love we have.
Thank you for our work and play.
Thank you for another day.
In Jesus' name.

Amen.

-billybud



Posted at 06:17 pm by R7fel
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Tuesday, November 22, 2005
To Donald Rumsfeld

 Able Danger II

How much longer will Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld be able to ignore the growing clamor in Congress over the Able Danger ‘information warfare’ controversy? Rumsfeld never responded to letters regarding the matter sent weeks ago by House Armed Services Committee heads Duncan Hunter and Curt Weldon. Now Weldon has secured the signatures of hundreds of colleagues from both sides of the aisle to yet another letter demanding that Rumsfeld allow Able Danger whistleblowers like Lieutenant Colonel Tony Shaffer to tell the story of how they identified Mohamed Atta and other 9/11 hijackers a year before the worst terror attacks ever on US soil.

As the latest letter to Rumsfeld notes, “Until this point, congressional efforts to investigate ABLE DANGER have been obstructed by Department of Defense insistence that certain individuals with knowledge of ABLE DANGER be prevented from freely and frankly testifying in an open hearing.” Weldon contends Shaffer and others have been silenced – and Shaffer smeared – by the Defense Department in an effort to cover up key aspects of the massive data-mining intelligence project.

DOD’s objection to open testimony by Shaffer, Navy Captain Scott Phillpott and other Able Danger principals is said to stem from security concerns. But as the letter to Rumsfeld notes, “Testimony from the appropriate individuals in an open hearing on ABLE DANGER would not only fail to jeopardize national security, but would in fact enhance it over the long term,” since “America can only better prepare itself against future attacks if it understands the full scope of its past failures to do so.”

The controversy came to a head two months ago, when the Senate Judiciary Committee conducted a hearing at which Shaffer, Phillpott and the others were not permitted to testify as scheduled. Representative Weldon spoke on their behalf, however, basing his testimony on information obtained directly from them. Since Acting Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Intelligence Oversight William Dugan certified that the hearings did not reveal any classified information, it remains unclear what testimony from the Able Danger whistleblowers – who tried without success to bring their findings to the attention of both the FBI and the 9/11 Commissioners charged with investigating the attacks – would jeopardize.

Since basic elements of the Able Danger project are already well known, why is Rumsfeld so intent on forestalling public inquiry? Continued refusal to allow Able Danger participants to testify in an open congressional hearing, the letter to Rumsfeld notes, “can only lead us to conclude that the Department of Defense is uncomfortable with the prospect of Members of Congress questioning these individuals about the circumstances surrounding Able Danger. This would suggest not a concern for national security, but rather an attempt to prevent potentially embarrassing facts from coming to light.”

This interpretation is consistent with that offered by Representative Weldon, in his many media appearances on the subject, as he puts forth the well-known bureaucratic imperative known as CYA (‘covering your ass’) as the best explanation.

But others close to the investigation suggest a different motive for DOD’s intransigence: the lingering possibility that a copy of the missing and presumed destroyed Able Danger data set may yet come to light. Although Tony Shaffer, Scott Phillpott, and the other key Able Danger participants remain constrained from speaking out on what they know, if given the chance they may well expose at least one as-yet untold piece of the puzzle: ‘Able Danger II.’

A source familiar with the situation but barred from speaking out says ‘Able Danger II’ was created when the US Army’s Land Information Warfare Activity unit (LIWA) “backed out” of the original Able Danger program in early 2000. The US Army Special Operation Command (SOCOM), which along with LIWA and private contractors was involved in the first Able Danger operation, then funded an effort to move the program from its headquarters in Tampa, Florida to a secret ‘black’ facility in Garland, Texas.

In addition to Scott Phillpott and Tony Shaffer, other Able Danger participants (including an Army Lieutenant Colonel who was his Shaffer’s deputy, and a Reserve Major who was called to active duty to help) were deployed to work in the Garland facility.

This unit, known as Stratus Ivy, provided basic support necessary to allow for the “intelligence mechanisms” to function from the Garland site. A cover plan was devised, and in addition to helping to get the plan approved and providing manpower, the unit provided the Able Danger team with clandestine Internet capabilities to help perform “non traceable/non attributable” searches for the most sensitive data. Shaffer also served, while a reserve major on active duty, as one of the “planners” inside the facility.

Although DOD spokesmen report the Defense Intelligence Agency cannot find any information about the Garland unit in its files, several DIA analysts and officials toured the facility between August 2000 and January 2001. One, then chief of the Transnational Warfare Group, sent an aide to Garland in what was perceived by some as an attempt to undermine the ongoing effort in order “to buy time for them to create their own Able Danger-type capability,” as a source explained.

The Garland facility, run by defense contractor Raytheon, is among those facilities, informally known as “skunk works,” that are run by private contractors but used for clandestine government-related security programs. A special additional clearance from the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO) is necessary even to enter.

Along with Dr. Eileen Preisser, who worked on re-creating the original LIWA suite of tools and technology used in Able Danger data mining, Dr. Robert Johnson was the primary scientist working on the effort at Raytheon’s Garland unit. Johnson is the son of Representative Sam Johnson, Republican of Texas, whose congressional district includes Garland. Johnson is among those who signed the latest letter to Rumsfeld, but his office declined to comment about the letter, the Garland facility, or his son’s involvement in the affair.

Nevertheless, it is known that in the summer of 2000, Robert Johnson reported to Congress that LIWA was destroying Able Danger data. This resulted in Representative Dan Burton, Republican from Indiana, issuing subpoenas to get it. As a result, much of the data was saved – at least at first. Since there was not enough room in the congressional warehouse in Suitland, Maryland much of it was left with DOD in its storage facility in Crystal City, Virginia. The data resided there until someone apparently destroyed it without permission within the past year.

Robert Johnson was unavailable for comment. But a colleague described his involvement in the project as “great - very insightful and helpful. He knew what we were trying to do and provided great assistance.” Although very little of the original 2.5 terabytes of information was transferred from LIWA to Garland, once operations there started in earnest, the original databases were recreated, and the information concerning Mohamed Atta was discovered again, along with information relating to other 9/11 terrorists.

Asked by investigators about Able Danger II and its findings, Johnson told two different stories, according to a Congressional source. “Originally, Johnson said he did recall that Atta was found in their new data runs in the fall of 2000,” says the source. “Subsequently he said he is not so sure.” Given the enormous pressure brought to bear on Tony Shaffer and others who have tried to alert authorities about Able Danger, says the source, “It’s not surprising that Johnson is having second thoughts. After what they’ve done to Shaffer, who would want to get out in front about this?”

“There IS a paper trail on all of this,” another source close to the investigation maintains. “The question is whether anyone still inside the Pentagon will permit it to come out. It is not classified at this point, but they will probably hide behind ’security’ as the reason they will not give up the info.

“There may be one database left of the information - that is what I’ve heard,” he continues. “I know that there is a quiet search for information as we speak. I’m convinced that someone has gone back and attempted to cover all the tracks at the Pentagon - they’ve know this was coming far too long to have done nothing - so I’m personally not sure the data will ever be found.”

Given the groundswell of congressional support, there is a chance of new Able Danger hearings when Congress returns next year from Christmas recess. Meanwhile, Representative Weldon says he has been given a guarantee by Deputy Defense Secretary Gordon England that DIA will “reinstate” Tony Shaffer – who is currently on extended ‘administrative leave” - at least while the DOD Inspector General investigates charges that the agency has improperly gagged and smeared the veteran of twenty two years of military service.

Meanwhile, Able Danger continues to its inexorable ascent into the mainstream media. Former FBI chief Louis Freeh has now joined those injecting the matter into public discourse – first in an appearance on Meet the Press, and most recently in the Wall Street Journal where he wrote: “The Able Danger intelligence, if confirmed, is undoubtedly the most relevant fact of the entire post-9/11 inquiry.”

As Tony Shaffer wrote recently in an email sent to his supporters, “No one to date has ever been held accountable for the failures that allowed the 9/11 terrorists to conduct a successful attack - yet there is growing evidence (beyond Able Danger) that the clues of the pending attack was very much within the U.S. Government’s grasp - but that the various bureaucrats within the intelligence and law enforcement community failed to act. Many of the very same people who made the pre-9/11 bad decisions remain in place - making the same bad decisions now. Plus the 9/11 Commission may not have ‘connected the dots’ as completely as they could and should have - and that is my concern - and the concern of others working this issue - what else have we missed? Where else are we vulnerable? Was there an effort to ignore specific information? Why is there the appearance of a cover-up?”

Good questions all. Isn’t it time for some answers, Mr. Rumsfeld?

- - - - - - - - - - - -

Editor’s note:

Raw Story has joined Media Is A Plural, MediaChannel, and the growing number of web sites and other outlets investigating the Able Danger cover up. A recent post offers a good explanation of the background of the story thus far:

Background

Able Danger, an open-source data-mining operation charged with identifying and targeting members of Al-Qaeda, was created in October 1999 upon the request of then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Hugh Shelton.

The program made front page news and generated controversy in August in the wake of claims made by former members of the group that they had successfully identified Atta over a year prior to the attack. The operation also identified Marwan Al-Sheehi, the man believed to be the pilot of United Flight 175, which crashed into the South Tower; Nawaf Al-Hazmi, the man believed to be one of the hijackers of American Airlines flight 77, which crashed into the Pentagon, and Khalid Al-Mihdhar, believed to have been involved in hijacking the same flight.

Charts, data and documentation from the program were destroyed in 2000 and 2004. The program itself was reportedly terminated in early 2001 after Able Danger liaison Lt. Col. Shaffer briefed General Shelton at one meeting and Defense Intelligence Agency Director Admiral Wilson, General Counsel Richard L. Shiffrin and then-Special Advisor to the Secretary of Defense, Stephen Cambone, at another. Cambone was later appointed by Douglas Feith to serve as Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence.

During the final months of the Clinton administration, the officers say Able Danger made three attempts to present their findings to the FBI, each aborted by Pentagon lawyers. They also claim they raised alarm two weeks prior to the October 12, 2000 attack on the U.S.S. Cole, and that their warning never reached the ship.

On Sept. 25, 2001, just two weeks after the 9/11 attacks, Weldon, Rep. Dan Burton (R-IN) and Chairman of the House Government Reform Subcommittee on National Security and Emerging Threats Christopher Shays (R-CT) met at the White House with then-Deputy National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley. Weldon initially said he showed Hadley a copy of one of the charts generated by Able Danger, and left it for Hadley to show to the President.

When asked about the meeting this past September, Hadley spokesman Frederick L. Jones II said, “Mr. Hadley does not recall any chart bearing the name or photo of Mohamed Atta.”

Former 9/11 Commissioners, responding to a series of reports in the New York Times and elsewhere, varied their recollection of events a number of times before releasing a formal written statement saying that the program was “historically insignificant” and that they could find no evidence that the program had identified Atta.

There is no mention of Able Danger in the 9/11 Report.

Weldon expressed outrage at the Commission’s failure to examine Able Danger at a press conference last Friday insisting that “there was a deliberate attempt to not have their story told to the American people. There has been nothing but denial and spin since the story broke in the first week of August. The Commission has no credibility on this issue whatsoever.”

Shays told CQ Weekly Aug. 12, “If this wasn’t reported by the Commission, what else wasn’t reported?”

Pentagon identifies, gags ‘witnesses’

An informal inquiry by the Pentagon identified several additional witnesses who confirmed that in fact the program had identified Atta and three other eventual 9/11 hijackers. Fully a third (5 of 15) core team members including the team’s leader, Captain Scott Phillpott (set to take command of a Navy Destroyer in January,) have corrorobated the claims of Lt. Col Shaffer, insisting publicly and in interviews with Pentagon investigators that their data mining efforts yielded the names and photos of four of the 19 hijackers, including Mohamed Atta.

 

Just prior to their scheduled testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee Sept. 21, Phillpott and Shaffer were given gag orders by Department of Defense.

Despite the loss of key witnesses, Sen. Specter held the hearing and heard from Weldon, Able Danger's legal counsel and a representative from the Department of Defense as well as senators expressing frustration and outrage over what they called a cover-up. A follow-up hearing was scheduled when it appeared the Pentagon had relented and would allow public testimony from Able Danger members. It was later canceled, with Specter citing a miscommunication between his office and the DoD. A source at Specter's office told RAW STORY the hearing will not be rescheduled before the close of the Senate session in December.

Mounting pressure on Secretary Rumsfeld

Pressure continues to mount for the Pentagon allow the Able Danger witnesses to testify. Last Friday, Weldon told CNN's Lou Dobbs he had secured 100 signatures from members of Congress calling upon Secretary Rumsfeld to allow the testimony of Able Danger team members. By Wednesday afternoon there were a total 150 signatories, including 90 Republicans and 60 Democrats. By 7 p.m., a press release posted on Congressman Weldon's website asserted that 202 members had signed.

Signatories include Rep. Ike Skelton (D-MO), Rep. Dennis Kucinich (D-OH), Ranking Democrat on the House Select Committee on Inteliigence Jane Harmon (D-CA) and Katherine Harris (R-FL).

RAW STORY is told Weldon’s office expects to announce that they have secured the signatures of a majority of House members soon.

The letter follows.

#

The Honorable Donald Rumsfeld
Secretary
Department of Defense
Pentagon
Washington, DC 20301

Dear Secretary Rumsfeld:

We the undersigned are formally requesting that you allow former participants in the intelligence program known as ABLE DANGER to testify in an open hearing before the United States Congress. Until this point, congressional efforts to investigate ABLE DANGER have been obstructed by Department of Defense insistence that certain individuals with knowledge of ABLE DANGER be prevented from freely and frankly testifying in an open hearing. We realize that you do not question Congress's authority to maintain effective oversight of executive branch agencies, including your department. It is our understanding that your objection instead derives from concern that classified information could be improperly exposed in an open hearing. We of course would never support any activity that might compromise sensitive information involving national security. However, we firmly believe that testimony from the appropriate individuals in an open hearing on ABLE DANGER would not only fail to jeopardize national security, but would in fact enhance it over the long term. This is due to our abiding belief that America can only better prepare itself against future attacks if it understands the full scope of its past failures to do so.

On September 21, the Senate Committee on the Judiciary conducted a hearing on ABLE DANGER which Bill Dugan, Acting Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Intelligence Oversight, certified did not reveal any classified information. Congressman Curt Weldon's testimony at that hearing was largely based on the information that has been given to him by ABLE DANGER participants barred from open testimony by DOD. Their testimony would therefore closely mirror that of Congressman Weldon, who did not reveal classified information. Therefore we are at a loss as to how the testimony of ABLE DANGER participants would jeopardize classified information. Much of what they would present has already been revealed. Further refusal to allow ABLE DANGER participants to testify in an open congressional hearing can only lead us to conclude that the Department of Defense is uncomfortable with the prospect of Members of Congress questioning these individuals about the circumstances surrounding ABLE DANGER. This would suggest not a concern for national security, but rather an attempt to prevent potentially embarrassing facts from coming to light. Such a consideration would of course be an unacceptable justification for the refusal of a congressional request.

Sincerely,

 http://www.roryoconnor.org/blog/index.php?p=150

http://rawstory.com/news/2005/Support_grows_in_Congress_to_allow_1117.html


 

Posted at 09:44 am by R7fel
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Friday, November 18, 2005
Coincidence?

Grassley Demands Answers on Safety of U.S. Experimental Drugs

Nov. 9 (Bloomberg) -- The head of the U.S. Senate committee that oversees the Medicare and Medicaid health insurance programs is demanding to know whether the government is doing enough to ensure safety during clinical trials of experimental drugs.

Citing what he called an ``alarming'' report by Bloomberg News, Senate Finance Committee Chairman Charles Grassley said federal agencies responsible for the drug trials owe the American people a better accounting of how the testing is conducted.

A report in the December issue of Bloomberg Markets magazine found conflicts of interest and lax oversight in the drug-testing industry. Over the past 14 years, the article said, private companies have largely taken over the job of conducting studies on experimental treatments, supplanting universities. Scores of people have died or been injured, the article said.

``Not only is this treatment of participating patients and their families alarming, but it also undermines the credibility of the pharmaceutical research and development process and places the value of new pharmaceutical products in question,'' Grassley, an Iowa Republican, wrote in a letter to the Health and Human Services Department's inspector general.

Grassley said Inspector General Daniel Levinson should quickly compile a list of recommendations his office has made since 1995 and determine whether the appropriate agencies are heeding them. The agencies include HHS, the Food and Drug Administration and the National Institutes of Health.

``We must take every possible step to ensure that our clinical trial system is in fact the `gold standard' that we expect it to be,'' Grassley said. He asked for a briefing by Levinson's staff ``at the earliest opportunity.''

Tightening the Rules

Grassley said Levinson's office should examine the role of so-called institutional review boards that oversee the tests, with an eye toward adopting tougher oversight. The largest, Western Institutional Review Board of Olympia, Washington, is a for-profit company that oversees 17,000 trials.

Don White, a spokesman for Levinson, declined to say whether his boss has received the letter. ``We are aware of Chairman Grassley's great interest in this area,'' White said. ``We've obviously done work on this before and already have work plans for the future.''

While Grassley's committee doesn't have direct jurisdiction over the FDA, he said its oversight of Medicare and Medicaid makes him responsible for ensuring medicines are safe. Grassley last year began an investigation of the FDA's handling of drug- safety issues after the withdrawal of Merck & Co.'s Vioxx painkiller.

Industry-Sponsored Tests

University medical faculties conducted 80 percent of industry-sponsored drug tests in 1991, according to the New England Journal of Medicine. Today, more than 75 percent of trials are done in doctors' offices or private test centers such as those run by SFBC International Inc., according to CenterWatch, a Boston-based compiler of clinical trial data.

In many cases, the people who volunteer for the drug trials are no longer protected by review boards at universities and now must rely on for-profit review boards. Drugmakers pay for both the private testers and the boards monitoring the trials, raising a potential conflict of interest, Grassley said.

Citing the Bloomberg article, Grassley wrote that test participants aren't always adequately warned of the risks.

``Some are dying as a result of the trials,'' Grassley said.

In Houston, the Fabre Research Clinic has been reviewed by an oversight company set up by Louis Fabre, the owner of the clinic. In Miami, SFBC International, which runs the largest private testing center in North America, has used a review company owned by the wife of an SFBC executive.

Shares of Miami-based SFBC dropped 26 percent after the Bloomberg report was published Nov. 2.

`Distortion of Our Work'

SFBC Chairman Lisa Krinsky said last week the report was a ``severe distortion of our work.'' She said the company complies with all regulatory standards and never has been issued a warning letter by the FDA.

A day after the Bloomberg report was published, Grassley said the FDA must do more to oversee clinical trials. In response to his comments, the FDA said last week in a statement that the agency ``is evolving our approach to clinical trial oversight. The protection of patients' rights is a fundamental focus.''

FDA spokeswoman Julie Zawisza yesterday declined to comment on Grassley's letter, saying she hasn't seen it.

``We do take very seriously our responsibility to protect people involved in clinical trials,'' she said.

The FDA also said it is examining its reporting rules and the other issues raised by the article.

Laboratory Rats

Because experiments on laboratory rats can't reliably predict how a chemical will affect people, human testing of new drugs is vital. Helped by extensive clinical trials, drugmakers have developed antibiotics capable of curing life-threatening infections and come up with revolutionary treatments for diseases like cancer and AIDS over the years.

``The vast majority of clinical trials conducted in the United States meet high ethical standards,'' the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, a Washington-based trade group, said last week in a written response to questions. ``The U.S. regulatory system is the world's gold standard, and the Food and Drug Administration has the best product-safety record.''

Ken Johnson, senior vice president for the trade group, said it would be inappropriate to provide detailed comments until the group reviews the practices in question.

``That review is now under way,'' he said. ``We are confident that our member companies are committed to conducting all clinical trials to the highest ethical standards.''

The organization's members include Pfizer Inc., Merck & Co. and Johnson & Johnson.


To contact the reporters on this story:
Kristen Hallam in Washington  khallam@bloomberg.net
 
Attack Has Grassley Concerned For His Staff

Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said yesterday that he is concerned about the safety of all of his staffers in the wake of last week’s assault on the chief investigator for the Senate Finance Committee.

An unidentified man attacked Emilia DiSanto, who has assisted committee Chairman Grassley on a series of controversial oversight inquiries in recent months, on the evening of Nov. 2 at her suburban Virginia home. Investigators have not determined the weapon used in the assault on DiSanto, but Grassley echoed internal suspicion that her assailant used a baseball bat.

“If this is work-related, there’s a lot of people on my staff who might be in a dangerous situation,” said Grassley, visibly disturbed.

The FBI and Capitol Police are exploring whether the assault is related to DiSanto’s work for Grassley, focusing on the unique circumstances of the incident. The attacker was dressed in black with a hood obscuring his face and made no demands for money from DiSanto.

Grassley said a work-related motivation could not be ruled out.

“You just don’t know,” he said. Federal law enforcement has joined the case based on concerns that DiSanto’s role in Grassley’s high-profile anti-corruption efforts could have put her in physical danger.

Two days after the attack on DiSanto, a bomb threat was issued against a Marshalltown, Iowa, veterans home hours before a scheduled appearance by Grassley. Though local police said the senator was not a target of the threat, which turned out to be a false alarm, the timing of the Iowa and DiSanto incidents could become a focus of the Washington investigation.

Grassley said the physical welfare of DiSanto and others on his staff is his chief focus.

“I’m more concerned about that than the bomb threat,” he said.

http://www.hillnews.com/thehill/export/TheHill/News/Frontpage/110905/attack.html

Posted at 09:52 pm by R7fel
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Big Pharma

Drug Industry Human Testing Masks Death, Injury, Compliant FDA  Listen

Nov. 2 (Bloomberg) -- Oscar Cabanerio has been waiting in an experimental drug testing center in Miami since 7:30 a.m. The 41- year-old undocumented immigrant says he's desperate for cash to send his wife and four children in Venezuela.

More than 70 people have crowded into reception rooms furnished with rows of attached blue plastic seats. Cabanerio is one of many regulars who gather at SFBC International Inc.'s test center, which, with 675 beds, is the largest for-profit drug trial site in North America.

Across the U.S., 3.7 million people have enrolled in drug tests sponsored by the world's largest pharmaceutical companies. The companies have outsourced 75 percent of experimental drug trials to centers like SFBC, a leader in a $14 billion industry.

At the same time, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration has farmed out much of the responsibility for overseeing safety in these tests to private companies known as institutional review boards. These boards are also financed by pharmaceutical companies.

So, the drug industry is paying the people who do the tests -- and most of the people who regulate those tests. And that combination can be dangerous, and sometimes deadly.

``The fundamental problem is a system in which investor- owned businesses have control over the evaluation of their own products,'' says Marcia Angell, editor in chief of the New England Journal of Medicine from 1999 to 2000. ``Oversight of clinical trials is too important to leave in the hands of drug companies and their agents.''

`I'm in a Bind'

Most of the people lining up at SFBC to rent their bodies to medical researchers are poor immigrants from Latin America, drawn to this five-story test center in a converted Holiday Inn motel.

Inside, the brown paint and linoleum are gouged and scuffed. A bathroom with chipped white tiles reeks of urine; its floor is covered with muddy footprints and used paper towels. The volunteers, who are supposed to be healthy, wait for the chance to get paid for ingesting chemicals that may make them sick.

They are testing the compounds Big Pharma, the name for the world's largest pharmaceutical companies, hopes to develop into best-selling medicines.

Cabanerio, who has a mechanical drafting degree from a technical school, says he left Venezuela because he lost his job as a union administrator. For him, the visit to SFBC is a last resort. ``I'm in a bind,'' Cabanerio says in Spanish. ``I need the money.''

Conflicts of Interest

Few doctors dispute that testing drugs on people is necessary. No amount of experimentation on laboratory rats will reliably show how a chemical will affect people. Helped by human testing, drugmakers have developed antibiotics capable of curing life-threatening infections as well as revolutionary treatments for diseases like cancer and AIDS.

These medical success stories mask a clinical drug trial industry that is poorly regulated and riddled with conflicts of interest. Every year, trial participants are injured or killed.

Rules requiring subjects to avoid alcohol and narcotics and to take part in only one study at a time are sometimes ignored by participants, putting them at risk and tainting the test data.

The consent forms that people in tests sign -- some of which say participants may die during the trial -- are written in complicated and obscure language. Many drug test participants interviewed say they barely read them.

Ken Goodman, director of the Bioethics Program at the University of Miami, says pharmaceutical companies are shirking their responsibility to safely develop medicines by using poor, desperate people to test experimental drugs.

`It's an Eye-Opener'

``The setting is jarring,'' says Goodman, 50, who has a doctorate in philosophy, after spending 90 minutes in the waiting rooms at SFBC's Miami center, which is also the company's headquarters. ``It's an eye-opener. Every one of these people should probably raise a red flag. If these human subject recruitment mills are the norm around the country, then our system is in deep trouble.''

Pharmaceutical companies distance themselves from the experiments on humans by outsourcing most of their trials to private test centers across the U.S. and around the world, says Daniel Federman, a doctor who is a senior dean of Harvard Medical School in Boston.

The chief executive officers of drug companies should be held accountable for any lack of ethics in these tests, he says.

``The CEOs of the companies have to be publicly, explicitly and financially responsible for the ethical approach,'' says Federman, 77, who still sees patients. ``It's not possible to insist on ethical standards unless the company providing the money does so.''

Pressure for New Drugs

CEOs of 15 pharmaceutical companies that outsource drug testing to firms including SFBC -- among them, Pfizer Inc., the world's largest drugmaker; Merck & Co.; and Johnson & Johnson -- declined to comment for this story.

SFBC Chief Executive Arnold Hantman says his center diligently meets all regulations. ``We take very seriously our responsibilities to regulatory authorities, trial participants, clients, employees and shareholders,'' Hantman, 56, says. ``We are committed to conducting research that fully complies with industry and regulatory standards.''

The pressure pharmaceutical companies face to develop new drugs has intensified in the past 15 years.

Faced with the expiration of patents on best-selling drugs like AstraZeneca Plc's Prilosec, which has helped tens of millions of people with heartburn and ulcers, Big Pharma has been in a frenzied race to find new sources of profit.

Oversight Secrecy

When the patent for a company's blockbuster drug expires, a lucrative monopoly vanishes. Such drugs typically lose 85 percent of their market share within a year of patent expiration, according to CenterWatch, a Boston-based compiler of clinical trial data.

The private independent review board companies that oversee drug trials operate in such secrecy that the names of their members often aren't disclosed to the public.

The oldest and largest review company is Western IRB, founded in 1977 by Angela Bowen, an endocrinologist. WIRB, an Olympia, Washington-based for-profit company, is responsible for protecting people in 17,000 clinical trials in the U.S.

The company oversaw tests in California and Georgia in the 1990s for which doctors were criminally charged and jailed for lying to the FDA and endangering the lives of trial participants. No action was taken against WIRB. Bowen says she didn't see human safety issues in those trials.

WIRB aims to visit test sites it monitors once every three years, Bowen says.

Unlicensed Employees

The FDA's own enforcement records portray a system of regulation so porous that it has allowed rogue clinicians -- some of whom have phony credentials -- to continue conducting human drug tests for years, sometimes for decades.

The Fabre Research Clinic in Houston, for example, conducted experimental drug tests for two decades even as FDA inspectors documented that the facility had used unlicensed employees and endangered people repeatedly since 1980. In 2002, the FDA linked the clinic's wrongdoing to the death of a test participant.

Review boards can have blatant conflicts of interest. The one policing the Fabre test center was founded by Louis Fabre, the same doctor who ran the clinic. Miami-based Southern IRB has overseen testing at SFBC and is owned by Alison Shamblen, 48, wife of E. Cooper Shamblen, 67, SFBC's vice president of clinical operations. Both Shamblens declined to comment.

`Gives Me Hives'

SFBC's 2005 shareholder proxy, filed with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, lists Lisa Krinsky as its chairman and a director of medical trials and refers to her 26 times as a doctor. Krinsky, 42, has a degree from Sparta Medical College in St. Lucia in the Caribbean; she is not licensed to practice medicine.

Arthur Caplan, director of the Center for Bioethics at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, says handing oversight of human drug experiments to private, for-profit companies is a mistake.

``This whole world gives me hives, this privatized review process,'' Caplan, 55, says. ``I've never seen an IRB advertise by saying, `Hire us. We're the most zealous enforcer of regulations you could have.' People say, `We'll turn it around faster. We're efficient. We know how to get you to your deadlines.'''

The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, a Washington-based trade association and lobbying group, says human drug tests in the U.S. are safe and well-monitored.

`Gold Standard'

``The vast majority of clinical trials conducted in the United States meet high ethical standards,'' PhRMA, as the group is known, said in a written response to questions. ``The U.S. regulatory system is the world's gold standard, and the Food and Drug Administration has the best product safety record.''

Joanne Rhoads, the physician who directs the FDA's Division of Scientific Investigations, says that view isn't realistic. ``What the FDA regulations require is not any gold standard for trials,'' Rhoads, 55, says.

The agency doesn't have enough staff to aggressively monitor trials, she says, adding that FDA regulations are a bare minimum and much more oversight is needed. ``You cannot rely on the inspection process to get quality into the system,'' Rhoads says. ``I know many people find this not OK, but that's just the truth.''

Michael Hensley, a pediatrician who was an FDA investigator from 1977 to 1982, says the agency has become less active in clinical trial oversight in recent years. Families of injured or dead trial participants seeking accountability for mistakes have to file lawsuits.

`Stopped Enforcing Rules'

``The FDA's backbone has been Jell-O,'' says Hensley, 60, who's now president of Chapel Hill, North Carolina-based Hensley & Pilc Inc., which advises pharmaceutical companies on FDA compliance. ``The folks at the FDA stopped enforcing the rules several years ago.''

By law, drug companies must first conduct tests to determine whether potential drugs produce dangerous side effects, such as organ damage, impaired vision or difficulty breathing. The FDA calls them phase I tests.

In 1991, 80 percent of industry-sponsored drug trials were conducted by medical faculty at universities, with protection for participants provided by the schools' own oversight boards, according to the New England Journal of Medicine.

Now, more than 75 percent of all clinical trials paid for by pharmaceutical companies are done in private test centers or doctors' offices, according to CenterWatch.

`No Qualifications'

Some test centers, FDA records show, have used poorly trained and unlicensed clinicians to give participants experimental drugs. The centers -- there are about 15,000 in the U.S. -- sometimes have incomplete or illegible records. In California and Texas, clinicians have used themselves, staff or family members as drug trial participants.

``Unfortunately, I don't think it's been recognized how important it is that people who actually conduct the trial be trained,'' Rhoads says. ``We oftentimes see people with no qualifications whatsoever, but they'll go to a one-day training course and they call themselves a certified study coordinator.''

These people often run 90 percent of the study with little involvement by physicians, she says.

Participants in Miami clinical trials talk openly about how they violate SFBC rules intended to protect the integrity of research findings. SFBC prohibits people from taking part in two clinical trials at the same time.

Multiple Trials

Roberto Alvarez, 36, an Argentine in the U.S. on a visa; Efrain Sosa, 35, a Cuban native; and Marlon Matos, a 27-year-old immigrant from Venezuela, say they've participated in more than one clinical trial in Miami at the same time or gone from one test to another, ignoring required waiting periods.

They say they do it for the money, without telling the test centers, and that no one has ever caught them violating the rule.

``We maintain many safeguards to help us ensure that the participants of our clinical trials are not participating simultaneously in multiple clinical trials,'' SFBC's Hantman says.

SFBC fingerprints participants to keep track of their tests at the company, he says. ``Unfortunately, there is no clearing house that we're aware of that would allow us to find if they were participating in another trial at the same time,'' he says.

In April, Alvarez signed up for a 36-day clinical trial at Miami testing company Elite Research Institute for a new sustained-release form of donepezil, an Alzheimer's drug that Tokyo-based Eisai Co. sells in the U.S. with New York-based Pfizer.

`I Hop Around'

At the time, Alvarez was in the middle of a 212-day test sponsored by Madison, New Jersey-based Wyeth at SFBC for an experimental muscular dystrophy drug, according to consent forms he signed.

``I hop around to get around that,'' says Alvarez, a part- time construction worker who's wearing a black T-shirt and jeans when he's interviewed in a bagel shop two doors down from SFBC. ``They ask, but I just don't tell them. Everybody does that.''

Steve Simon, a research biostatistician at Children's Mercy Hospital in Kansas City, Missouri, says that when people participate in more than one clinical trial at a time, it can be harmful to people and research.

``When neither researcher knows about the potential interactions with the other trial, that raises concerns about scientific validity,'' says Simon, who has a Ph.D. in statistical research. ``You don't know how these things might interact. It's asking for trouble.''

Carefully Planned

Ernesto Fuentes, Elite's clinical trial director, didn't return calls for comment. Eisai spokeswoman Judee Shuler says Elite did everything it could to ensure participants in the clinical trial weren't in other tests at the same time, including asking subjects verbally if they were.

Pfizer spokesman Stephen Lederer says his company had no role in the donepezil tests. Gerald Burr, a Wyeth spokesman, says the company carefully planned and monitored the clinical trial.

The FDA requires pharmaceutical companies to hire monitors to audit clinical trials to ensure patient safety and scientific validity. ``Our sponsors visit our facilities frequently to monitor our trials and also routinely audit our work,'' SFBC's Hantman says.

Pharmaceutical company monitors spend more time scrutinizing data being gathered than watching out for people's safety, Harvard's Federman says. ``There are no monitors of monitors,'' he says. ``It's like looking at a dark cloud. There's minimum training. They're relying on people running the trials.''

Vioxx Verdict

The shortcomings of human drug testing may come to light in the welter of litigation surrounding Vioxx, the blockbuster pain reliever that Whitehouse Station, New Jersey-based Merck pulled off the market last year after its own studies found long-term use posed twice the normal risk of a heart attack.

A 2004 study by David Graham, the FDA's associate director for science and medicine, estimated that Vioxx caused as many as 140,000 heart attacks and strokes, killing as many as 55,000 people.

On Aug. 19, a Texas jury ordered Merck to pay $253 million to the widow of a Vioxx user, an amount that will be reduced to $26 million under state law. The company has been sued by more than 5,000 people who say they were hurt by the drug.

Before Vioxx was approved by the FDA, Merck tested it on thousands of people in early phase I clinical trials across the U.S., including at SFBC's Miami center.

Pharmaceutical companies sponsored 36,839 new clinical trials from 2001 to 2004, six times more than in the period from 1981 to 1985.

$50 Billion at Stake

The search for the next money-spinning drug is fueling the surge in human testing. Pharmaceutical companies that make 28 top-selling drugs will lose a total of $50 billion in revenue as their patents expire from 2003 to 2008, according to Norwalk, Connecticut-based market research firm BCC Inc.

Schering-Plough Corp., for example, suffered a drop in revenue after losing U.S. exclusivity for Claritin, an allergy treatment, in December 2002.

The Kenilworth, New Jersey-based company's sales fell 18 percent to $8.3 billion in 2003 from $10.2 billion the year before, and the company reported a net loss of $92 million in 2003 compared with a profit of $1.97 billion in 2002. Schering- Plough shares averaged $17.42 in 2003, down from an average price of $25.99 in 2002.

Schering-Plough has used SFBC for clinical tests, including trials in the past year comparing different forms of Claritin. ``We believe that they are at the industry standard, and the appropriate checks and balances are in place,'' Schering spokeswoman Rosemarie Yancosek says.

`Ethical Violations'

As drug companies try to get new drugs to market, time is literally money. They lose as much as $5 million a day waiting to get approval of new medications. Eighty percent of all experimental drugs tested in humans are never approved by the FDA.

Big Pharma has an insatiable demand for people to be in clinical trials, says Angell, a doctor and former editor of the New England Journal of Medicine.

``Human subjects are in very short supply, so it's not surprising that under the growing pressure to find them, there are sometimes terrible ethical violations,'' says Angell, 66, a Harvard Medical School senior lecturer. ``Drug companies may claim innocence, but they need to take responsibility.''

In 1978, the National Commission for the Protection of Human Research Subjects, an advisory committee appointed by President Richard Nixon, recommended, in what became known as the Belmont Report, that clinical trial participants be fully informed of risks and sign a consent form.

So-called informed consent wasn't required by the FDA until 1981.

`Genuine Social Problem'

Interviews with people in clinical trials and relatives of participants who died in medical experiments across the U.S. suggest that researchers often don't fully explain risks and potential side effects.

Bowen, whose Western IRB has overseen trials at SFBC sites, says phase I centers often don't conduct the informed consent process properly. ``I'd say it's fairly widespread,'' she says. ``It's a genuine social problem that needs to be dealt with.''

Alvarez, the clinical trial participant from Argentina, says he skimmed over the 12-page consent form for a test SFBC managed for KW-6002, an experimental Parkinson's disease drug made by Tokyo-based Kyowa Hakko Kogyo Co., before signing the form on Aug. 30.

``The thing I pay most attention to when filling this thing out is this,'' says Alvarez, flipping through the form, written in Spanish, to a page that describes payment terms. ``How much it pays and how long it takes. I don't read them too carefully.''

8-Night Confinements

Page 8 of the consent form explains that the 57-day test Alvarez has signed up for pays $4,300, spread out in payments tied to completion of three 8-night ``confinements.'' During confinements, participants aren't allowed to leave the SFBC building unless they decide to drop out of the trial.

They live in 12-foot (3.66-meter) by 24-foot rooms outfitted with three double-decker beds. The center has recreation rooms with televisions, pool tables and video games.

The payment schedule provides an incentive for participants to stay the course: About half of the money, or $2,355, isn't paid until the last week of the eight-week test.

The trial, which was scheduled to end today, also includes 12 outpatient visits to test for levels of KW-6002 in people's bloodstreams. The consent form says KW-6002 can produce side effects that include heart palpitations, sleep disorders and breathing difficulties.

`A Whole Team'

An SFBC employee asked if Alvarez had read the consent form and understood what the test entailed when he signed up, Alvarez says. He told the clinician he had read the form, and the clinician didn't say anything more about risks, he says.

SFBC Executive Medical Director Kenneth Lasseter says the center always explains risks to participants. ``We have a whole team of people,'' he says. ``They go over the risks and discomforts and explain them to the subject.''

Lasseter says he's never before heard that participants said they weren't fully informed of risks in tests. ``Everyone who is screened has a one-on-one interview with one of the screening team that goes over the informed consent,'' he says. ``If they are denying that, that's simply a fabrication. They simply are not being truthful.''

Informed consent documents routinely fail to satisfactorily explain risks to potential participants, says Laura Dunn, a professor of psychiatry at the University of California, San Diego, who wrote an article on informed consent that appeared this year in the Journal of the American Medical Association.

`Poor Understanding'

``Decades of research show that poor understanding of informed consent documents is widespread,'' she says.

The title of the KW-6002 consent form says the test is a phase I clinical trial. The document doesn't explain what phase I means, that the purpose is to determine the side effects and safety of an experimental drug.

The test, the consent form says, aims to determine how the active ingredient in KW-6002, istradefylline, is ``absorbed, distributed, decomposed and eliminated from the body.'' Joseph Brindisi, a spokesman for Kyowa's U.S. unit, declined to comment.

It's inevitable that tests that often make healthy people sick rely on the poor, says Greg Koski, who from 2000 to 2002 was head of the federal Office for Human Research Protections. A division of the Department of Health and Human Services, the office oversees all federally funded clinical trials; it doesn't review pharmaceutical company-sponsored tests in private centers.

`Disproportionate Burden'

``I have little doubt that there is a disproportionate burden of risk that falls on the disadvantaged members of our society,'' says Koski, 55, who's now an anesthesiologist in Boston.

SFBC Executive Vice President Greg Holmes says money is the main reason people sign up for phase I tests. ``Look at the benefits,'' he says. ``There is little benefit other than getting paid. There's no secret there.''

SFBC conducted a test in June of a drug that may treat overactive bladders. The test was sponsored by Theravance Inc., a South San Francisco-based company that's 21 percent owned by GlaxoSmithKline Plc.

The London-based company, the largest drugmaker in Europe, has marketing rights for new Theravance drugs, according to filings with the SEC.

``The goal of this study is to determine the highest daily dose of TD-6301 that will not cause an undesired increase in heart rate,'' the consent form says.

University of Miami bioethicist Goodman says the wording is misleading and confusing. ``They're saying it backwards to a population that may not be of the highest education level,'' he says.

`Don't Want to Say That'

The only way to accomplish the intent of the study is to raise the dosage of the experimental drug until heart rates increase, Goodman says. ``The real purpose of the study is, `We're going to make you sick in order to find out at what level you get sick when given this drug,''' Goodman says. ``Obviously, they don't want to say that.''

SFBC's Lasseter says the wording in that consent could be better. ``It's clear to me,'' he says. ``Perhaps it needs to be explained more.''

GlaxoSmithKline spokesman Rick Koenig says his company wasn't involved in the clinical trials. He adds that GlaxoSmithKline has the right, but not the obligation, to develop the Theravance drugs. Theravance spokesman David Brinkley says his company policy is not to comment on specific clinical trials.

Cabanerio, the Venezuelan immigrant, says he reads consent forms and questions doctors and clerks at SFBC closely to weigh the risks against his need for cash for his family. In July, he says, he needed the money so badly he was willing to enroll in a test that could have had fatal results.

Potential Risk: Death

Cabanerio signed up for a trial that mixed alcohol with an experimental opiate pain reliever called Oros Hydromorphone, made by Alza Corp., a unit of New Brunswick, New Jersey-based Johnson & Johnson. The test paid $1,800.

Participants who chew Oros tablets, as opposed to swallowing them whole as directed, can overdose, which can cause a heart attack or death, a June 21 consent form in Spanish for the test says. People also can have allergic reactions to Oros, which, if severe, can be fatal, the form says.

``It's not the job I would choose, but financial circumstances require you to do it sometimes,'' Cabanerio says.

The doctors who examined Cabanerio during the screening process for tests at SFBC asked him to recite a couple of side effects listed on the test's consent form to see if he understood the risks, he says.

One Woman Fainted

While being screened for the Oros test, Cabanerio says, a doctor told him there were few risks involved. ``He said the strongest reaction would be like a shot of whiskey,'' Cabanerio says. ``He said it would be fun.''

The test included four 3-night stays in which some patients were given Oros and up to 40 percent alcohol mixed with orange juice on an empty stomach, according to the 14-page consent form.

After Cabanerio and 18 other people began the test on the fourth floor of SFBC's center, one woman fainted, Cabanerio says. Another woman in the test got so drunk after drinking the brew that she began imitating a striptease dancer.

Cabanerio says he didn't feel bad because he was in a different group of participants that received lower doses of alcohol and were allowed to eat beforehand.

Cabanerio participated in the test in July. That's the same month the FDA asked Purdue Pharma LP, a Stamford, Connecticut- based drug company, to withdraw another opiate tested with alcohol at SFBC's Miami center.

Backloading Payments

Purdue withdrew the drug, Palladone, because its time- release mechanism is dissolved by alcohol, which could cause a deadly release of all the opiates at once, according to the FDA. Participants were given naltrexone to block the opiates.

Alza ensures tests of its drugs are safe for participants by following FDA rules and guidelines approved by IRBs, company spokesman Ernie Knewitz says. ``Patient safety is the most important element in each clinical study conducted by Alza,'' Knewitz says.

The Purdue experiment paid volunteers $2.78 an hour, or $66.72 per 24-hour day, for the first nine days of confinement. For those who remained, payment jumped to $333.33 a day for the final three days, with a bonus of $800 paid following a single follow-up visit.

Such payment backloading is coercive and thus unethical, says Peter Lurie, a physician who is deputy medical director of Public Citizen, a Washington-based group that monitors patient safety issues.

`Powerful Incentive'

``It provides a very powerful incentive for somebody to continue in a study even if they're being made uncomfortable by it,'' he says.

Purdue's payment schedule complies with guidelines set by the FDA and international regulators, company spokesman James Heins says. He says any experiment dropouts willing to return for the follow-up visit were paid $800.

Heins says anyone who dropped out in the middle of a confinement period without a health reason was considered ``noncompliant'' and was paid $25 a day.

Under federal regulations, anyone can drop out of a clinical trial at any time. University of Pennsylvania bioethicist Caplan says it's often not easy to voluntarily leave a test.

He says he enrolled himself in a trial in which a clinician inserted a tube down his throat. Caplan says after the procedure started, he told a nurse: ``You know, I don't like this. I don't want to do it anymore.''

He says the nurse told him: ``You can't do that. You can't stop!'' He completed the procedure.

Like a Burning Shock

Wyeth sponsored trials at SFBC this year to find out what dosages of an experimental drug to treat muscular dystrophy caused side effects, according to the consent form for the trial.

Possible side effects included severe allergic reactions that can cause breathing difficulty, abdominal pain, increased heart rate and death, according to the consent form.

Healthy people were paid $5,500 for staying in the center for 15 nights during a 26-week test. Another version of the test with a 29-night stay in the center paid $6,900.

John Juarez, who was born in Miami, says the injections of Wyeth's experimental drug felt like a burning electric shock searing his body from within. ``It made me feel really weird,'' says Juarez, 22.

In the last few weeks of testing, Juarez developed red hives up and down one arm that wouldn't go away for days, he says. And he started growing hair all over his body, including thick sideburns that he still wears.

Handled Properly

Wyeth has documented that an IRB approved the trial, consent was handled properly and the test followed all FDA rules, Wyeth spokesman Burr says. ``Wyeth is committed to sponsoring and supporting carefully conducted clinical trials as the fastest and safest way to find treatments that work in people and ways to improve health,'' he says.

The FDA depends on IRBs to approve and review trials. For drug tests conducted at SFBC in Miami, London-based AstraZeneca, Merck and Purdue have used Southern IRB, the review board owned by Alison Shamblen, the wife of SFBC Vice President Cooper Shamblen.

Purdue, whose Palladone tests were monitored by Southern IRB, didn't know Southern was owned by a relative of an SFBC executive, Heins says.

``If Purdue had been aware of the relationship you allege, the company would have looked into the issue before conducting trials at the site,'' Heins says. ``Purdue will address this issue should we decide to work with SFBC in the future.''

Not Merck's Choice

Merck, which has relied on Southern IRB to monitor tests at SFBC, including an April experiment for a drug to prevent nausea and vomiting, says the company wasn't responsible for using an IRB owned by a relative of an SFBC executive.

Merck chose SFBC because for years it had worked with Clinical Pharmacology Associates, which SFBC bought in 2003, Merck spokeswoman Janet Skidmore says. ``SFBC selects which institutional review board is most appropriate,'' she says. ``Merck did not choose Southern IRB -- SFBC did.''

SFBC's Hantman says Alison Shamblen hasn't been affiliated with Southern IRB since early 2005. Rosa Fraga, Southern IRB's chairwoman, says Shamblen still owned the IRB as of Oct. 10. Fraga says Alison Shamblen decided in October to shut Southern IRB after 16 years. Fraga herself will soon open a new company called Southern IRB Services, she says.

The FDA has found ``significant objectionable conditions'' during three inspections of SFBC since 2000. In 2002, the FDA found SFBC conducted invasive procedures on people without getting proper consent from the participants. In March 2005, the FDA wrote up a significant objectionable conditions finding that it hasn't yet made public.

`Positive Feedback'

SFBC's Hantman declined to release the report. ``We have consistently received positive feedback from the FDA's reviews,'' he says. SFBC's Lasseter describes the FDA reports as being ``like a traffic ticket.''

SFBC Chairwoman Krinsky says the company hasn't received a warning letter, which is more serious than a significant objectionable conditions citation, from the FDA in more than 20 years. She says the company has addressed all observations by the agency.

The phrase ``institutional review board'' dates back to the time when most boards -- like the clinicians they monitored -- were part of universities or hospitals. Today, the review industry is dominated by a handful of large, for-profit companies with enormous power.

No Training Needed

IRBs have the duty to reject or stop a clinical trial if the risks are found to outweigh the benefits. Nobody knows for sure how often trials are stopped since there is no central database that tracks IRB actions.

The exact number of IRBs is also a mystery. There are an estimated 3,000 to 5,000 of them, according to the Government Accountability Office, the investigative arm of Congress. The number is unknown because the companies don't have to register with the FDA.

IRB members don't have to be trained or certified.

FDA oversight of IRBs is scarce -- and becoming scarcer. The agency conducted 175 inspections of IRBs in the year ended on Sept. 30, down from 327 in the year ended on Sept. 30, 2002, according to FDA records.

When the FDA conducts an inspection, it reviews informed consent documents and checks that an IRB has at least one person with a scientific background, one layperson and one community member.

The agency reviews the IRB's record-keeping to see whether it has maintained proper minutes of meetings. ``The regulations for IRBs are fairly loose,'' the FDA's Rhoads says.

Researcher Is Also Monitor

The inadequacy of the IRB system is illustrated by the case of Louis Fabre, the Houston psychiatrist who ran at least 400 clinical trials with 20,000 people for more than 50 drug companies at his Fabre Research Clinic from 1973 to 2005.

To monitor those trials, Fabre, 64, used an IRB that he had founded himself. He called it the Human Investigation Committee, and its members included his business partner, psychiatrist Stephen Kramer, 64; and his lawyer, Bruce Steffler, 60.

The Human Investigation Committee allowed Fabre Research Clinic to run tests even as FDA inspectors found conduct that put people at unnecessary risk during six inspections from 1980 to 2005.

In 1980, the FDA reported that a woman enrolled in one of Fabre's experimental psychiatric drug tests had killed herself during the study. The FDA wrote that the woman was supposed to be in an inpatient study, and Fabre managed the study instead as an outpatient trial. Fabre was never censured for that incident.

FDA's Letter

In January 2005, the FDA wrote a letter to Fabre detailing his wrongdoing in connection with the death of Garry Polsgrove, an unemployed and homeless Vietnam veteran, in his clinic in May of that year.

Polsgrove, 55, died during a trial for generic schizophrenia drug clozapine that was sponsored by Miami-based Ivax Corp., the largest U.S. maker of generic drugs.

Fabre left Polsgrove in the care of John Rodriguez, who had no medical credentials, according to the FDA. Just six days before Polsgrove enrolled in the experiment, an FDA inspector visited Fabre's clinic and found that Rodriguez had screened subjects, performed physicals and conducted electrocardiograms.

The inspector believed Fabre's false claim that Rodriguez was a licensed physician's assistant, Rhoads says. A call to the Texas Board of Medical Examiners would have revealed that Rodriguez was unlicensed.

Rhoads says FDA inspectors don't normally verify medical licenses. ``On a routine inspection, it's not likely that they're going to dig because it takes a lot of work to do that,'' Rhoads says.

Two Purple Hearts

The agency waited almost three years after Polsgrove's death before it moved to ban Fabre from running trials.

Polsgrove was an ex-Marine who had won two Purple Hearts for his service in Vietnam in 1967. Polsgrove's sister, Nancy Gatlin, who says her brother was healthy before starting the drug trial, says Fabre killed her brother.

``He should have been stopped a long time ago,'' she says. Fabre, who now runs a drug development company in Houston, declined to comment. He denied wrongdoing in a response to the FDA.

The FDA can investigate a trial site at any time. Rhoads says when inspectors review a test center, they follow a checklist.

``The bottom line is, the inspections by the FDA field investigators are done by people who are trained in investigation, but they don't always have a tremendous scientific or medical background,'' Rhoads says. ``They're basically doing an audit process.''

`You Get a Whitewash'

Unable to oversee human drug testing by itself, the FDA has left much of the job to IRBs. Bowen's Western IRB had $20 million in revenue in 2004. It has grown at about 20 percent a year for the past decade, she says.

Bowen, 73, who used to be president of a drug company called William P. Poythress Inc. in Richmond, Virginia, says Western is the IRB for more than half of all new drug submissions to the FDA.

Bowen says WIRB is the best in the industry because of the professionalism of her members, their training and expertise and their willingness to turn down drug company tests they don't approve of.

Harvard's Federman sees WIRB differently. ``If you listen to themselves talk about themselves, you get a whitewash,'' he says.

`He Fooled Everybody'

In the 1990s, WIRB oversaw 23 clinical trials conducted by Robert Fiddes, a Los Angeles doctor who was charged with lying to the FDA. The FDA's investigation found that Fiddes repeatedly fabricated data and improperly included employees and family members in trials.

He pleaded guilty in 1997 and was sentenced to 15 months in federal prison.

A 1999 FDA inspection report criticized WIRB for its role in the doctor's experiments. ``There is a failure to have complete documentation of the board's knowledge, discussion and decisions regarding research activities,'' FDA investigators wrote of WIRB.

Bowen says WIRB didn't know about Fiddes's fraud. ``He fooled everybody,'' she says.

Pharmaceutical companies would be amazed at how poorly some clinical tests are run, she says. ``Some of the companies would be embarrassed if they saw the quality of the people doing research,'' she says. ``I call them clueless.''

WIRB's headquarters has 44,000 square feet (4,088 square meters) of office space on an 18-acre (7.28-hectare) campus studded with towering Douglas fir trees. It has 250 employees, who refer to themselves as ``Wirbies.''

Four Minutes for Discussion

Review board members attend about 40 four-hour meetings each month to approve new experiments and trial recruiting materials, review ongoing tests and examine reports of serious side effects, Bowen says.

About 60 items are considered at each meeting, giving members an average of four minutes to discuss each issue. The meetings and their minutes are closed to the public, as are the names of the board's members.

``If you were a plaintiff's lawyer, wouldn't you like to have the identities of all the membership?'' Bowen asks.

The FDA most recently inspected WIRB in August 2002. The agency found that WIRB's computer system lacked an audit function, meaning data entered could be altered without a record of the changes. The FDA called that a ``significant objectionable condition.''

In a 1999 inspection, the FDA criticized WIRB's role in the case of Richard Borison, a Georgia doctor convicted in 1998 of stealing more than $10 million of drug research money in experimental tests and sentenced to 15 years in state prison.

Psychiatric Drug Experiments

In 1990, Borison, the chairman of the psychiatry department at the Medical College of Georgia in Augusta, hired WIRB to oversee his experiments with psychiatric drugs. During the time WIRB was monitoring him, Borison stole the money provided for clinical trials by Pfizer, Wyeth and Basel, Switzerland-based Novartis AG.

As a department chairman, Borison was required by college rules to use the school's IRB. Instead, the doctor used WIRB, located 2,300 miles away, to help conceal his fraud from the school, says George Schuster, chairman of the college's IRB.

``Borison bypassed us and went to WIRB,'' he says. ``We didn't know until the whole thing blew up that they were using WIRB. If WIRB had followed its own rules, we'd have notified them it wasn't acceptable. We wouldn't have allowed the fraud to continue.''

Forged Signatures

WIRB's rules required it to notify a school when it was hired to oversee research. Bowen says WIRB didn't inform the Medical College of Georgia because Borison had told WIRB he was a part-time professor. Letters from Borison to WIRB were on the school's letterhead, listing Borison as chairman of the psychiatry department.

In his indictment, Borison was also accused of endangering the lives of participants by using inadequately trained employees and permitting his signature to be forged on prescriptions.

An FDA inspection report on Borison in 1997 also detailed patient protection violations, finding that untrained employees administered experimental drugs, evaluated side effects and decided when to increase dosages. The FDA sent its findings to WIRB, which had allowed Borison's tests to proceed for six years.

Today, seven years after Borison's conviction, Bowen says WIRB did nothing wrong in its oversight of the Georgia tests. ``I didn't see that there were patient safety issues,'' says Bowen, who sat on the panel that oversaw Borison's experiments.

`That's Just Bogus'

WIRB told its staff to send its research approvals directly to Borison's home and not to the school, according to WIRB documents obtained by state prosecutors. An undated WIRB memo says, ``Arrangement with Dr. Borison is to have all correspondence sent to his home address.''

Bowen says WIRB clients are free to use any address. ``We send it to where they ask us to,'' she says. ``We didn't know it was his residence.''

Prosecutor David McLaughlin of the Georgia Attorney General's Office in Atlanta says he was astonished by Bowen's attitude about Borison.

``I'm a prosecutor, sitting in her office, telling her they did this and that, and she was saying, `It's not a problem for us,''' he says. ``That's just bogus. I had such a bad taste in my mouth when I left.''

The state brought no charges against WIRB.

Pfizer spokesman Lederer says the results of Borison's research were removed from Pfizer's database and weren't sent to the FDA. Wyeth spokesman Burr declined to comment.

Genentech Test

In addition to monitoring phase I trials, WIRB plays a leading role in supervising phase II and III trials. In a phase II test, clinicians experiment with various doses of a medicine to test effectiveness.

In phase III, they aim to collect enough data on larger groups of patients to demonstrate that the substance works well enough to be approved by the FDA. In all phases, clinicians monitor for side effects.

In 2000, Bill Hamlet, a 58-year-old artist and woodcarver in Pittsboro, North Carolina, entered a phase III clinical trial for a proposed psoriasis treatment made by Genentech Inc. Hamlet enrolled on the recommendation of his physician, Mark Fradin, 45, a doctor running the test.

Hamlet says the medication he was taking before the test, methotrexate, successfully controlled his psoriatic arthritis, a condition causing inflammation of the skin and joints.

When Hamlet began the drug experiment, his doctor instructed him to stop taking methotrexate. He became sick after going off the medication. During the trial, he spent weeks in bed because he was barely able to walk. Hamlet was left with permanent knee damage, his medical records show.

`A Train Wreck'

``It was like a train wreck,'' Hamlet says, recalling the pain and discomfort that became part of his life for six months. ``My whole persona was taken away in one fell swoop by a medical trial.''

When the test began, Hamlet wasn't told by his doctor that he might be given a placebo, a substance with no active medicine, he says. Nor was he told three months later that he had been switched to the experimental drug.

By design, many drug trials don't allow participants or clinicians to know who is getting placebos at the time of the tests.

Hamlet sued Genentech, Fradin and WIRB, which was overseeing protection for participants in the clinical trial. All three settled the lawsuit this year without disclosing terms.

Genentech spokeswoman Tara Cooper says the company can't comment because the settlement has a secrecy agreement. Bowen says that clinicians and WIRB did nothing wrong in the Hamlet trial. Fradin's lawyer, William Daniell, says the doctor did nothing improper.

Five Deaths

In 2001, WIRB was hired by Johns Hopkins School of Medicine in Baltimore to help review research at the school after a clinical trial participant died in the same year.

Minutes of WIRB meetings from the first quarter of 2004, which are available at the medical school because a Maryland law requires such minutes to be public, show shortcomings in WIRB's own review of research.

A recruiting script for participants was approved by a WIRB panel even after a doctor on that panel said she didn't understand it. She abstained from the vote.

The board also complained that it took seven weeks for WIRB's staff to inform the board of the death of five people in a clinical trial. WIRB deleted some details and all names from the minutes provided for review by Bloomberg News.

No-Show Panel Members

For the Johns Hopkins review, WIRB's nine-member panels often met with just five members present, the minutes show. Alternate members made up the majority of WIRB boards 20 times from Jan. 1, 2004, to March 31, 2004. Twice in three months, all of the members were alternates.

In 2003, the Hopkins minutes show, WIRB required a clinical trial sponsor to make changes in the recruiting materials for a trial in order to better protect participants in the experiments. The sponsor, whose name was deleted from the minutes by WIRB, asked WIRB to reconsider its decision.

On Feb. 26, 2004, the same WIRB panel, acting with four alternates and one of its regular members present, reversed its decision and allowed the company to keep its original proposed language.

``That was worrisome,'' Bowen says, after being informed of what had happened. ``I wish somebody had caught it sooner.''

`Manipulation'

Daniel Ford, vice dean for research at Johns Hopkins School of Medicine, says the reversal by WIRB concerns him. ``It's possible you could have manipulation,'' he says, ``One of the big things WIRB sells is speedy review.''

Ford says WIRB provides high-quality service.

The University of Pennsylvania's Caplan disagrees. He says WIRB has failed to protect participants in clinical trials.

``It appears they have basically reneged on their obligation toward subject protection and have become complicit in protecting the interests of their sponsors because it serves an important business interest,'' he says. ``That's just what you fear from commercial IRBs. They've had conflicts of interest since the beginning.''

In a 2002 Seton Hall Law Review article, WIRB's director of regulatory affairs wrote that there's an inherent conflict within independent IRBs because their fees come from the same pharmaceutical companies whose trials they're asked to monitor. ``The conflict of interest faced by independent IRBs is real and substantial,'' David Forster wrote.

No Federal Rules

``Independent IRBs are paid by sponsors and investigators to protect subjects who are participating in research conducted by those sponsors and investigators,'' Forster wrote.

There aren't any federal rules requiring for-profit IRBs, which are often located thousands of miles away from trial sites, to visit or inspect the test center at any time.

Nobody has ever studied the effectiveness of IRBs or tracked how many people are injured or killed each year while participating in clinical trials, says Harvard's Federman, who chaired a national committee on clinical trial safety in 2003.

``An intelligent person would assume we know this,'' Federman says. ``We don't know the number of persons harmed in clinical trials each year and are missing a registry of all subjects that participate in trials.''

Government agencies have repeatedly warned about inadequate protections for people in trials. ``Pressures to recruit subjects can lead researchers and IRBs to overlook deficiencies in efforts to inform subjects of potential risks,'' the Government Accountability Office cautioned 10 years ago.

`Race to the Bottom'

In 2000, the inspector general of the Department of Health and Human Services wrote, ``In a highly competitive marketplace, with few rules or guidelines governing recruitment, there is a very real danger of a race to the bottom.''

In 2002, after three people died in clinical trials at medical schools, bills were introduced in both houses of Congress to strengthen protections for people in drug tests.

The bills, sponsored by Democratic Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts and Democratic Representative Diana DeGette of Colorado, stalled in committee and never made it to the floor for a vote.

``I hope Congress will act,'' Kennedy says. ``Recent failures of the current system have given new urgency to the need to guarantee the safety of clinical research and prevent similar tragedies in the future. We need to protect research participants.''

Panel Folded

Testing companies must fully inform people of risks in clinical trials, says Senator Charles Grassley, a Republican from Iowa. ``The burden is on the research companies to go out of their way to make sure study participants are fully informed when consent is given,'' Grassley says. ``Patient safety should never be sacrificed for short-term profit by a corporation.''

The National Bioethics Advisory Commission, a presidential panel created in 1995 by executive order of President Bill Clinton, issued human protection recommendations in 2001.

That panel folded in 2001, and President George W. Bush replaced it with the President's Council on Bioethics, which has issued reports on ethical issues of human cloning and stem cell research.

``Business has taken a much higher profile at the FDA because of the current administration,'' says Mary Faith Marshall, associate dean for social medicine and medical humanities at the University of Minnesota Medical School in Minneapolis. ``There's a much friendlier attitude toward Big Pharma and less emphasis on human subject protection.''

`An Independent Agency'

``The FDA is an independent agency,'' White House spokesman Trent Duffy says. ``It has maintained its independence. President Bush supports a strong FDA that protects American consumers.''

Harvard's Federman says politics is at issue. ``This type of inquiry is not a high profile for the current administration,'' he says. ``This is not a government that particularly looks at big business. Pharmaceutical companies have a huge lobbying operation.''

PhRMA, which represents more than 40 drug companies, spent more than $16 million last year on lobbying, a 12.5 percent increase from the year before. PhRMA hired 136 lobbyists in 2004, according to Public Citizen. PhRMA declined to comment about its lobbying activities.

``PhRMA and its member companies are certainly willing to review proposals that could make a good safety record even better,'' the group says.

One way pharmaceutical companies could improve safeguards for clinical trial participants is by checking to see whether the people running the tests are actually licensed as doctors.

Drug Study Institute

In Jupiter, Florida, a drug testing center called the Drug Study Institute lists its director of clinical research as Melody Sanger, who's identified as a primary care physician. Florida state records show Sanger, 50, isn't a licensed doctor. She's licensed only as a registered nurse, according to the Florida Department of Health.

The company Web site says she has run trials for AstraZeneca, Merck, Novartis and Pfizer.

Sanger never misrepresented her credentials to Merck, company spokeswoman Skidmore says. AstraZeneca spokeswoman Carla Burigatto says the Drug Study Institute did good-quality work, adding that Sanger didn't serve as a doctor on trials for the company. Sanger declined to comment.

SFBC describes Chairwoman Krinsky as a medical doctor in SEC filings and company literature. She's never been licensed to practice medicine in the U.S., SFBC's Hantman says. Krinsky's laboratory technician license in Florida expired in 1998. Krinsky is in charge of SFBC's phase I clinical trials.

`It's Misleading'

Hantman says Krinsky is a company executive who doesn't run any clinical trials. ``She is not required to be licensed in Florida,'' he says. Hantman says the SFBC center has five physicians, as well as nurses and emergency personnel.

Harvard's Federman is concerned that SFBC refers to Krinsky as a doctor without disclosing she's not licensed. ``It's misleading in that most, perhaps almost all, readers would assume she is a licensed and fully trained physician,'' he says.

Hantman is SFBC's treasurer as well as its CEO. Company SEC filings say he's a certified public accountant. Hantman's Florida CPA license expired in 1989, public records show. Hantman says he's been a lifetime member of the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, a trade organization.

In Houston, the Fabre clinic used Rodriguez to give experimental drugs to people and make medical decisions during tests. The FDA found that Rodriguez had neither a medical license nor any clinical credentials in the U.S.

Better Ways

There are better ways to do research, says Koski, the physician who headed the federal agency for human protection for two years. Koski says a single U.S. agency should oversee all experimental tests.

The National Bioethics Advisory Commission suggested that informed consent discussions between researchers and participants be audio- or videotaped to ensure they're done right.

The commission also recommended a system to compensate people for research-related injuries and said all IRBs should have to register with the federal government. In addition, it said all IRB members should be trained in research ethics.

Mark Yessian, who oversaw investigative reports on IRBs over the past decade as Boston's regional inspector general for the Department of Health and Human Services, says changes are needed.

``The drug industry is trying to bring products to market,'' says Yessian, who retired in October. ``We don't want to suffocate that, but we need to do it in a more balanced way to give subjects confidence that there are people looking out for their interests.''

Koski says the mission won't be easy. ``It's not really a `few bad apples' problem,'' he says. ``We need to create a system that grows better apples.''
 
To contact the reporters on this story:
David Evans in Los Angeles  davidev

http://quote.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=10000006&sid=aspHJ_sFen1s&refer=home

 


Posted at 09:41 pm by R7fel
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